www.mg.co.za, 11 Oct 2008 [cached]
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Most of the other defendants are alleged to have received "misused" funds from Brenco International, a Paris-based company run by Falcone, in the businessmen's alleged attempts to smooth over potential sticking points in the deals.
The conviction of Pierre ...
www.mpdaangola.com [cached]
www.mpdaangola.com [cached]
The conviction of Pierre Falcone for arms trafficking is an embarrassing blow to Angola's president
In order to understand the significance of these convictions it is important to focus on one key player, Pierre Falcone, and his relationship with the Angolan leadership.
In 2004, for instance, Dos Santos' office called for the prosecution of Falcone to be abandoned: his volition and at his own risk, made funds available to the Angolan government for it to exercise its right of sovereignty, a right that was almost denied by the international community. His conviction is a serious blow to Dos Santos' arrogance as an untouchable political figure.
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The convictions of Pierre Falcone, Arcadi Gaydamak, ex-president's son Jean-Christophe Mitterrand and Charles Pasqua in a French court for arms trafficking to Angola have exposed the impunity with which arms traffickers supplied weapons to Angola during its 27-year civil war.
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The Angolan government employed primarily the services of Pierre Falcone and Gaydamak to procure the arms, while the main arms dealer supplying Unita rebels was the infamous Ukrainian Victor Bout, who is currently sitting in jail in Thailand.
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It coincided with the period of arms trafficking for which Falcone has just been convicted.
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During a difficult moment of the recent Angolan history, Mr Pierre Falcone, by
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It is in this context that Falcone has also become a key player in Angola's state contracts with China, which are worth billions of dollars.
Three years of digging later, it ...
chieftain.com, 1 Jan 2008 [cached]
chieftain.com, 1 Jan 2008 [cached]
Three years of digging later, it says, they traced the apartment's ownership back to two men who have taken center stage in this legal drama: Arkady Gaydamak and Pierre Falcone.He now serves as Angola's representative to UNESCO, the United Nations' cultural agency, a post that provides him limited diplomatic immunity.He faces many legal cases in France, and spent 11 months in detention during the trafficking probe.
According to the indictment, Falcone told investigators the money was spent to ,,facilitate things, not to buy people.''
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Falcone, 54, is an Algerian-born French businessman with oil industry ties.
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The indictment says French and Russian intelligence services had suspected illegal activity by Falcone and Gaydamak as far back as 1996.
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French investigators say Gaydamak hooked up with Falcone, and the two enlisted Jean-Christophe Mitterrand to put them in touch with the Angolan leader.
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Via a Slovak company called ZTS-OSOS that they controlled, Gaydamak and Falcone arranged for military goods to be dispatched, mostly from Russian arms depots, to Angola starting in 1993, according to the indictment.
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Most are accused of ,,receiving misused funds'' from Brenco International, a company Falcone controlled.Investigators say these undeclared gifts came in the form of cash, armored cars, French Riviera real estate, trips to Las Vegas, even private medical care.
SUPERPOWER SILENCE IN CABINDA
www.cabinda.net, 1 Mar 1991 [cached]
Pierre Falcone and Sofremi 11 Falcone headed a group of companies under the umbrella, 'Brenco International', whilst simultaneously working as 'key advisor' for Sofremi, a security export company that was controlled by the French Interior Ministry, then headed by Minister Charles Pasqua. he now received endorsement from Pasqua's team on the right, and was thus tasked to provide a solution to Angola's weapons and finance requirements, on the proviso that supplies did not come directly from France.
According to numerous French press articles, Falcone then formed a partnership with Russian émigré and businessman Arkadi Gaidamak (also spelt 'Gaydamac'). His arrest, together with interviews and searches at the offices and residences of other individuals allegedly connected to this scandal, precipitated press reports and speculation about Angolagate. His release was accepted on a bail posting of 105 million French Francs (US$14,351,000),6 more than ten times France's previous highest bail demand. Nouvelle Observateur reports that the Court of Appeal reduced Falcone's bail demand to €5 million (US$4,309,000)7, which it says is to be paid by Angola's State oil company Sonangol, as a mark of Angola's solidarity with Falcone.8
The Brenco group and links to the United States
Reports in both Arizona Republic and in Newsweek Magazine suggested that Falcone is well established in the United States and that he has strong connections with the US political elite. In late 2000, Falcone purchased an immense mansion in Paradise Valley, Arizona, for a reputed US$10.6 million, the highest value personal property purchase in Arizonan history. Interviews in Arizona Republic with individuals claiming familiarity with Falcone and his Bolivian beauty queen wife Sonia, suggested that they led a dream life, circulating within the party circuit of Arizona's elite, and spending significant funds on a variety of philanthropic ventures.9 This money was returned in January 2001, with the Arizona Republic quoting Newsweek 'the money was returned to avoid questions about whether an international weapons merchant was trying to buy influence with the new Bush Administration.' The Arizona Republic reported that Falcone family spokesman, Jason Rose, 'scoffed at that insinuation.' Newsweek's January 2001 article referred to both the donation and to Falcone's December 2000 arrest in France.9 European Deputy Jean-Charles Marchiani, and Sonia Falcone, wife of the alleged arms dealer Pierre Falcone, are also on the list.'11 There are no suggestions of any charges against or wrong-doing by Sonia Falcone - it appears this request relates to the investigation into her husband. Falcone wrote personally to President Chirac both in 1997 and in 1998, and these letters provided considerable detail about projects underway. his action as a gesture of confidence and friendship by the French State and, for this reason, my Government took decisions that permitted spectacular growth of cooperation with France in the area of oil and economically and financially. Falcone was also a key advisor to 'Sofremi' (the 'French Company for the Export of Goods, Systems & Services'),18 which was a part-private, part-state run organisation operating under the auspices of the French Interior Ministry that, at the time, was headed by Interior Minister Charles Pasqua.
According to Le Monde, Falcone's Angolan contact in Paris was Elísio de Figueiredo who had become the 'third Angolan Ambassador' in Paris through a formal request by dos Santos, in addition to Angola's formal Ambassador and the UNESCO representative.18 This unorthodox arrangement provided for de Figueiredo,20 who had previously been Ambassador in Paris, to take on the role of roving Ambassador, without portfolio and act as dos Santos' go-between.
Pierre Falcone and Sofremi According to Le Monde, Pierre Falcone became one of the most significant advisors to Sofremi, between 1989 and 1997, with his introduction to the company coming through an intermediary of then director Philippe Melchior. One of his first acts as head of Sofremi had been to conduct an independent audit. 'The most significant point was the omnipresence of Pierre Falcone,'131 adding, 'the general rule was that for each market there was to be a different representative, but from 1992, Falcone became the only representative of the Sofremi. It is totally abnormal. He received outrageous fees for every operation.'131 When asked about the termination of Sofremi's relationship with Falcone in 1997, he said, 'Once I took my decision we had a long discussion. I do not think that he understood my determination. According to Le Monde, Chirac had long been convinced that Pasqua would officially support his opponent, Edouard Balladur.18 The paper continued, 'if this were to happen, a grip on Angola would be a major asset,' and then taking the argument further stated 'as a r
www.cabinda.net, 1 Mar 1991 [cached]
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Jean-Christophe Mitterrand allegedly then introduced businessman Pierre Falcone to engineer a solution.
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According to the press, though Falcone had been brought into the discussion courtesy of the French Political left,
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Interestingly, Gaydamac's (sic) signature appears to have been included alongside Falcone's on this 1995/6 ZTS-Osos contract, reproduced on page 16.
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Following a complex series of judicial investigations, described later in this report, Pierre Falcone was arrested on 1st December 2000.
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After numerous legal challenges, Falcone was finally released on 1st December 2001, after spending precisely one year in prison.
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The company was incorporated in Delaware on 6th April 1994, with Sonia and Pierre Falcone listed as directors.10 Essanté is also connected to the Brenco group in terms of shareholdings and common addresses, both in the UK, and for holding companies in the British Virgin Islands.
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Michael Austin, an Arizona-based friend of the Falcone family and domain name holder of a website in support of Falcone wrote to Global Witness in an e-mail, '...Pierre derives a great deal of income from Exxon Block 33 located within the boundaries of Angola.' Given the apparent meetings between Falcone and Phillips, and given ExxonMobil's operatorship of Angola's Block 33, ExxonMobil should clarify what, if any role is, or has been played by Falcone in Block 33.
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In particular, ExxonMobil should clarify if it has also held meetings with Falcone, and if the latter played any role in advising, or facilitating the company's acquisition of its operatorship of Block 33.
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According to a February 2002 article in the Geneva publication Le Temps, 'in 1996, the pair [Gaidamak and Falcone] negotiated the re-purchase of Angola's debt to Russia: the latter was intended to receive US$1.5 billion instead of the US$5 billion owed by Luanda's Government.' The paper continued, 'the Angolans agreed to reimburse this amount, thanks to the country's oil revenues.' Commenting on those involved in the deal, the paper reported 'swiss-based companies took part in the operation: Glencore, in Zug, traded the oil; Paribas (Switzerland), together with other banks, advanced the money promised by Angola.'12
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Further, sources suggest that during President Chirac's state visit to Angola in 1998, at least one meeting was held in Luanda between Chirac and dos Santos in which Falcone was present.
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...that gentleman [Falcone] dealt with sensitive matters which had the consent of the French authorities and were very useful to Angola. We interpreted
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Jean-Christophe Mitterrand's incarceration followed the earlier arrest on 1st December 2000 of the lesser-known Pierre Falcone, named in Global Witness' December 1999 report A Crude Awakening as a member of Angola's 'oiligarchy'.
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There are differing accounts regarding the first meeting of Jean-Christophe Mitterrand and Pierre Falcone. According to his lawyer, Mitterrand first met Pierre Falcone following his departure from the Elysée, but according to Le Monde, a former employee of Falcone places Mitterrand's first visit to Brenco International's offices, then at 56 Avenue Montaigne in Paris, prior to July 1992;18 in other words, when Jean-Christophe Mitterrand was still his father's African Advisor.
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By late 1994, according to Le Monde, Pierre Falcone had been involved in the selling of weapons to Angola worth some US$633 million.18 Sources indicate that although the face value of these contracts may have been as high as US$633 million, a significant proportion of the weapons listed in contracts were delivered much later than this date.
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Poussier also insisted that Sofremi did not mix its business interests with those of Pierre Falcone.
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Reports suggest that Pierre Falcone did not manage this process alone. Falcone appears to have formed a partnership with Arkadi Gaidamak, a Russian émigré who had spent sufficient time in Israel to pick up an Israeli passport before moving to reside in France.
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Haaretz - Israel News - Ofer Brothers spurned Russian investor s bid for Israel Corp.
www.haaretz.com, 19 Aug 2004 [cached]
Gaidamak is suspected of being the main partner of Brenco's CEO, Brazilian arms dealer Pierre Falcone
www.haaretz.com, 19 Aug 2004 [cached]
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