Link between Angolan president's son-in-law and state oil company
raises questions about transparency
15th March 2010
Sonangol, the state-owned oil company of Angola, nominated the son-in-law of Angola's President dos Santos to the board of a holding company that owns a third of the listed Portuguese oil firm Galp Energia, Global Witness has learned.
Angola is an impoverished country that depends on its oil industry to pay for reconstruction after a long civil war. Angola has a reputation for severe corruption which Global Witness has been reporting on for the last decade.1 Angola's people have one of the lowest life expectancies in the world: 46.5 years, according to the United Nations.2
Galp has major oil investments in Angola, a former colony of Portugal, and works closely with Sonangol, whose chairman Manuel Vicente sits on its board.3
A third of the shares in Galp are owned by a holding company called Amorim Energia BV. Forty-five per cent of the shares in Amorim Energia are owned by a company called Esperaza Holding BV, which is a subsidiary of Sonangol. The rest of Amorim Energia is ultimately controlled by Portugal's Amorim family.4
The board members of Amorim Energia include Sindika Dokolo5, a businessman married to Isabel dos Santos, a daughter of the Angolan president. As this briefing will show, Global Witness has learned that Dokolo was nominated to this post in April 2006 by Esperaza Holding. The latter was wholly owned by Sonangol at the time, according to Dutch corporate records.6
"The son-in-law of the Angolan president, a private businessman, should not be working so closely with the state company which is responsible for managing Angola's oil on behalf of its citizens," said Diarmid O'Sullivan of Global Witness. "This arrangement raises concerns about conflicts of interest to which Sonangol has not responded."
Sonangol's minority partner in Esperaza Holding is Exem Holding AG. a secretive company based in the Swiss canton of Zug which does not publicly disclose the identities of its owners.7 A director of Exem Holding, a Paris-based financier called Konema Mwenenge, told Global Witness that he has a "professional" relationship with Dokolo. But Mwenenge declined to say whether Dokolo has a financial interest in Exem Holding.8 Dokolo himself, via his lawyer, declined to respond to questions from Global Witness.9 Sonangol's chairman, Manuel Vicente, did not respond to written questions.10
The fact that the Angolan president's son-in-law appears to have been representing Sonangol in its indirect investment in Galp does not amount to evidence of wrongdoing. But these findings raise further questions about the transparency of Sonangol, the state oil company which dominates the economy of Angola.
Sonangol collects billions of dollars a year in revenues on behalf of the Angolan government and controls other companies' access to Angola's oil and gas reserves, but does not publish its accounts and discloses little detailed information about its activities.
When President dos Santos called for "zero tolerance" of corruption in November 2009, a prominent member of the ruling MPLA party said Angolans should feel free to criticise the president over his family's business dealings, Reuters news agency reported.11
Portuguese billionnaire Americo Ferreira de Amorim is the chairman of Amorim Energia. He told Global Witness, in a three-page response to questions about the issues raised in this briefing, that Dokolo had been appointed to the board of Amorim Energia "at the designation of Esperaza Holding".12
"The fact that Mr Dokolo is the husband of the daughter of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos does not seem in itself as relevant neither [sic] to qualify nor to disqualify him as a board member of Amorim Energia, and therefore was not a factor to have him appointed as a managing director of Amorim Energia," Amorim wrote in his letter to Global Witness. He added: "I can give you my personal views on the fact that the appointment of Mr Dokolo did not raise discussions concerning ethical issues."
Amorim said in his letter that the relationship between Amorim Energia and Galp was governed by a shareholder agreement that was in place before Dokolo came onto the former's board. Global Witness does not assert, or seek to imply, that companies controlled by the Amorim family have engaged in any illegal or illegitimate activity.
At the end of 2006, Sonangol's 100 per cent shareholding in Esperaza Holding had fallen to 60 per cent. The other 40 per cent was owned by a subsidiary of Exem Holding.13 Exem Holding, via its subsidiaries, has been granted access by Sonangol to potentially lucrative investments in Angolan oil and gas but appears to be otherwise unknown in the oil industry.
Sonangol has authorised subsidiaries of Exem Holding to:
* Acquire a 40 per cent stake in Esperaza Holding by the end of 2006, making it a partner in Sonangol's indirect investment in Galp.
* Acquire a 10 per cent stake in an Angolan gas exploration venture announced in December 2007. This venture is controlled by Sonangol. Its other shareholders include Galp, Italy's ENI and Spain's Gas Natural.14 The venture has reportedly been awarded a ten-year gas exploration licence and exempted from taxes.15
* Pre-qualify, as of late 2007, to bid for oil licences in Angola.16
Global Witness asked the Exem Holding director, Konema Mwenenge, to describe the process by which Exem Holding had acquired these investments and investment opportunities. Mwenenge replied in an email that: "I can confirm as a Director of Exem Holding that its subsidiaries did respond to tenders in Angola. Information concerning the tenders is available on the web site of the national oil company of Angola."17
Sonangol's website does report that a subsidiary of Exem Holding has been pre-qualified by Sonangol to bid for oil licences in Angola as a "non-operator" - that is, as a minority shareholder in a joint venture with other oil companies.18 However, there appears to be no information on this website about tenders in relation to Exem Holding's other interests. Global Witness wrote back and asked Mwenenge where this information could be found, but he did not respond.
Although Sonangol has a reputation for being professionally run, its opacity and its close links to the ruling elite of Angola have long been a cause of public concern. The state oil company has long been used by the government to borrow huge sums in a highly opaque manner and with little public accountability for the use of the money.19
For more than a year, Global Witness has been investigating the relationships between Sonangol and certain private companies that invest in Angola's oil sector, which are often complicated and hard to unravel because of a dearth of public information.
In August 2009, Global Witness reported on another little-known private company which was pre-qualified to bid for oil rights in Angola by Sonangol in late 2007. The shareholders of this company, Sociedade de Hidrocarbonetos de Angola, included a person called Manuel Domingos Vicente. The chairman of Sonangol, who has the same name, did not respond to a request for comment from Global Witness, nor did two other senior officials who also have the same names as shareholders in SHA.20
The International Monetary Fund agreed in late 2009 to lend $1.4 billion to Angola in return for policy pledges which include more transparency for Sonangol, but it remains to be seen whether these pledges will actually be implemented.21
"At a time when Angola's government is promising more transparency to the IMF in return for a bailout, our findings show that Sonangol is still anything but transparent," said O'Sullivan.
Global Witness believes that Angola's government cannot begin to reverse the country's international reputation for severe corruption until:
* Sonangol explains its relationship with Dokolo and identifies the ultimate beneficial owners of Exem Holding, who are currently unknown to the public.
* Sonangol publishes its audited accounts and full details of oil revenue flows between foreign oil companies, Sonangol itself and the Angolan government.
* Sonangol relinquishes its control over the allocation of oil and mining rights in Angola to an independent agency that operates under full public oversight and awards these rights in a transparent manner.
* International oil companies in Angola commit themselves not to go into partnership with any smaller companies whose ultimate beneficial ownership is unknown to the public.
* The government ensures that civil society groups within Angola are able to freely discuss matters of public interest, including the oil sector, without fear of harrassment or censorship in any form.
For further information, please contact:
Diarmid O'Sullivan: +44 207 492 5863 or +44 7872 620 955
Amy Barry: +44 207 492 5858
Notes
1. Global Witness. A Crude Awakening. 1999; All the Presidents' Men. March 2002. Time for Transparency. March 2004. Available at www.globalwitness.org
2. United Nations. Human Development Report 2009. Angola. The figures for life expectancy at birth are from 2007.
3. Galp Energia. Annual Report and Accounts 2008. Pages 6, 29 and 182
4. Amorim Energia BV. Annual accounts for 2008. Pages 3, 4 and 23.
5. Amorim Energia Annual report 2008. Page 3.
6. Amsterdam Chamber of Commerce. Handelsregisterhistorie. Esperaza Holding BV.
7. Handelsregister des Kantons Zug. Exem Holding AG.
8. Global Witness phone and email conversations with Mwenenge.
9. Correspondence between Global Witness and a lawyer acting for Dokolo.
10. Letter sent to Vicente by Global Witness on 15 September 2009.
11. Reuters. Angolan President calls on party to end corruption. 21 November 2009. Angolan President's family taint corruption fight. 3 December 2009.
12. Letter from Americo Ferreira de Amorim to Global Witness. 18 January 2010.
13. Esperaza Holding B.V. annual accounts 2006. Page 3.
14. Eni. Eni acquires a participation stake in the Angola LNG Project. 10 December 2007. This press release refers to Exem Exploration & Production B.V. This company has since been renamed Exem Oil & Gas B.V., according to annual accounts filed by the latter for 2007, and is wholly owned by Exem Energy B.V, which is wholly owned by Exem Holding AG.
15. Reuters. Angola set to exempt gas explorers from tax. March 25 2009.
16. Angolan licensing round 2007/2008. Companies pre-qualified for Non-Operator. List published by Sonangol on its website. http://www.sonangol.co.ao/
17. Email to Global Witness from Mwenenge. 19 October 2009.
18. Angolan licensing round 2007/2008. Companies pre-qualified for Non-Operator. List published by Sonangol on its website. http://www.sonangol.co.ao/
19. See Global Witness. Undue Diligence. How banks do business with corrupt regimes. March 2009. Chapter Eight.
20. Global Witness. Angola. Private oil firm has shareholders with same names as top government officials. Media briefing. 4 August 2009.
21. International Monetary Fund. IMF lends Angola $1.4 billion to support reserves, reforms. Press release. 26 November 2009. See also Global Witness. IMF risks condoning corruption with new loan to Angola. Press release. 5 November 2009.
http://www.zap.co.ao
ZAP TV & INTERNET PROVIDERS
24 February 2012
ZAP, its an Angolan company that delivers TV and Internet content, with a participation 30% of its capital owned by ZON Multimédia, commemorated this week end (February 2012) its second anniversary with the inauguration of its brand new installations in Luanda.
ZAP is owned in its majority 70% by the Angolan businesswomen Isabel dos Santos (daughter of El President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, the source of her wealth or her funds is unknown), the creation of the company ZAP constituted the first step in the process of internationalization of the company ZON Multimédia in the Portuguese speaking countries.
The project of ZAP was born after Isabel dos Santos (daughter of El President Jose Eduardo dos Santos) became shareholder of the company ZON, with the purchase of 10% of the capital of that Portuguese company. ZAP was the first company to offer HD TV service in Angola.
http://www.zon.pt
Na cerimónia de inauguração da sede, situada em Talatona, que foi presidida pela ministra da Comunicação Social, Carolina Cerqueira, e pelo ministro das Telecomunicações e Tecnologias de Informação, José da Rocha, esteve também presente o presidente da Comissão Executiva da ZON Multimédia, Rodrigo Costa.
Poderosa Isabel dos Santos
16 May 2012
Quem é e como vive a mulher que tanto compra em Portugal? Só nos últimos 15 dias, gastou 82 milhões de euros. A fortuna da filha do presidente angolano, conhecida como "a princesa", ultrapassa já os 1,4 mil milhões de euros em terras portuguesas
De calças de ganga rasgadas e T-shirt, acompanhada de uma senhora bem vestida e três crianças, uma mulher jovem desembarca no aeroporto de Lisboa. Um amigo aguarda, há algum tempo, o seu voo, proveniente de Luanda. Embora ela seja célebre e o seu nome cintile em todas as parangonas dos jornais económicos do nosso país, para não falar da revista Forbes, onde figura como uma das maiores fortunas de África, ninguém, a não ser ele, a reconhece. Camuflada na indumentária simples - embora de marca - deixa o brilho para a acompanhante, na verdade a "babá" das crianças (com 4, 7 e 8 anos). A rapariga das calças rasgadas, todavia, é que é a patroa... e a mãe.
Talvez Isabel José dos Santos, 39 anos, feitos, presumivelmente, em abril último, venha apenas às compras. Coisas simples: uma participação na Galp, um reforço da posição na ZON ou uma dentada numa grossa fatia do BPI... A "princesa", como é conhecida no seu país, filha primogénita do Presidente José Eduardo dos Santos e de uma russa de nome Tatiana, tirou o curso de engenharia mecânica eletrónica no King's College, em Londres, e exibe uma desconcertante discrição, avessa a festas e a vernissages, a entrevistas ou fotografias e ao espalhafato do colorido africano.
Completamente ocidentalizada, anglófila, mas senhora de um português, de um francês (que usa nas conversas com o marido, o congolês Sindika Dokolo) e, presumivelmente, de um russo impecáveis, ela é uma mulher do mundo.
Por estes dias, Portugal precisa de investimentos como o seu deserto azeri natal (nasceu em Baku, Azerbaijão) precisa de gotas de chuva. Isabel dos Santos tem sido o aguaceiro angolano de serviço: através da holding Santoro, detém 25% do Banco BIC, agora dono do BPN, e 19,4% do BPI. Através da Esperanza Holding (como Esperança Sagrada, poema de Agostinho Neto, emblemática figura do nacionalismo angolano...), em parceria com a Sonangol, 33,34% da Galp (45% da Amorim Energia).
E, através da holding Kento, 15% da ZON. São cerca de 1,4 mil milhões de euros de valor nas posições acionistas em empresas cotadas portuguesas. Banca, Energia, telecomunicações - eis as áreas de interesse, a par dos cimentos, da distribuição alimentar e da arte. E, no entanto, quem diria que a menina dos seus olhos é o sofisticado restaurante Oon.dah, em Luanda, onde uma refeição custa uma média de 100 euros?...
Operação Furacão
Os procuradores do Ministério Público que estão a conduzir a chamada “Operação Furacão” recolheram, em 2007, numa busca ao escritório do advogado António Frutuoso de Melo, documentação relativa à constituição de uma sociedade sediada numa offshore ligada à filha mais velha do Presidente de Angola, José Eduardo dos Santos. A referida sociedade, segundo fonte conhecedora do processo, foi utilizada por Isabel dos Santos para a compra de um apartamento em Lisboa.
De acordo com informações recolhidas pelo DN, a sociedade offshore, sediada nos EUA, acabou por ser um alvo da investigação, uma vez que fazia parte de uma lista de clientes da PIC( International Consultants), uma empresa fiduciária que já foi alvo de buscas no âmbito da “Operação Furacão”. A sociedade em causa serviu para registar um apartamento comprado em Lisboa por Isabel dos Santos e pelo marido.
Ora, uma vez que o advogado recorreu à PIC, empresa que fornecedora de serviços no âmbito da constituição de offshores, a sociedade de Isabel dos Santos e do marido (cujo nome não foi possível apurar) acabou por fazer parte da lista de clientes já apreendida pelo Departamento Central de Investigação e Acção Penal (DCIAP).
Licenciada em Engenharia Informática, em Londres, Isabel dos Santos tem diversificado os seus interesses económicos. Em Angola, através da Unitel, a maior operador de telecomunicações móveis do país, mantém uma parceria com a Portugal Telecom. Uma empresa que explora as redes de comunicações por despacho do Governo angolano, que, por “razões de manifesto interesse do Estado”, atribuiu à empresa a exploração da rede móvel.
Em 2005, a primogénita de José Eduardo dos Santos torna-se accionista do Banco Internacional de Crédito, com uma participação idêntica à do empresário português Américo Amorim. E em parceria com este empresário terá entrado no capital da Galp através do consórcio Amorim/Sonangol, a petrolífera angolana,depois disso não teve mãos a medir ( fonte cai ).
LIST OF THE DEALINGS AND WHEELING'S OF ISABEL DOS SANTOS
UNITEL
Na reunião da Assembleia-Geral da UNITEL, a 4 Fevereiro 2006, Isabel dos Santos foi reconduzida ao cargo de administradora da principal operadora de telefonia celular.
A UNITEL é uma empresa privada de capitais mistos, com a participação do Estado, que detêm 25% das quotas através da Sonangol.
Até à presente data, Isabel dos Santos mantém-se como administradora da empresa. Dirigiu a reunião o presidente da Assembleia-Geral da UNITEL, General Leopoldino Fragoso do Nascimento, que na altura era o chefe de Comunicações do Presidente da República, José Eduardo dos Santos.
O General mantém-se como presidente da Assembleia-Geral da UNITEL, é consultor principal da Casa Militar do Presidente da República e, até recentemente, tinha como Presidente do Conselho (PCA) de Administração da UNITEL, o ex-PCA da Sonangol e actual ministro da Coordenação Económica, Manuel Vicente.
Como foi Isabel dos Santos parar ao Conselho de Administração da UNITEL e onde encontrou capital para ser accionista de uma das principais empresas privadas angolanas? A resposta a esta questão certamente poderá ajudar a filha do Chefe do Estado a limpar o seu nome com brio.
BIC BANK
Desde 2005, Isabel dos Santos é administradora do Banco Bic, no qual detém 25% do capital social, conforme documentos legais datados de 7 Junho 2006.
O seu nome tem constado regularmente no portal do banco e noutros documentos da empresa, na sua qualidade de administradora.
DIAMONDS DEALINGS AND ISABEL DOS SANTOS
A associação de Isabel dos Santos ao negócio dos diamantes, em Angola, é bem conhecida. Em parceria com a sua mãe, Tatiana Cergueevna Regan, Isabel dos Santos constitui a 2 Abril 1997, em Gibraltar, a empresa Tais Limited, na qual detinha 75% das acções, cabendo o resto à sua mãe.
Por sua vez, a 11 Outubro 1999, o governo angolano, chefiado pelo seu pai, promulgou um acordo com a sua empresa, a Trans Africa Investment Services (Tais), o Group Goldeberg e Leviev Wellox, para a criação de uma empresa mista de comercialização de diamantes, a Angola Selling Corporation (Ascorp), (Conselho de Ministros (2003:1438-9); a 5 de Outubro de 2004, Isabel dos Santos transferiu a totalidade das suas acções para o nome da mãe e, por essa altura, a Tais já havia mudado de denominação para Iaxonh).
A aprovação do consórcio revelou conflito de interesses, nepotismo e indícios de crime de suborno “passível de destituição do cargo” (Art. 127º, 1, 2 da Constituição). Para mais informações sobre a participação de Isabel dos Santos na Ascorp e as implicações legais, consulte: Marques, Rafael, Diamantes de Sangue, Tinta-da-China: Lisboa, 2011:32-3.
OIL SECTOR AND ISABEL DOS SANTOS
O sector dos petróleos em Angola tem sido o mais opaco e o mais controlado pelo Presidente da República, para serviço dos seus desígnios pessoais. A aprovação final de qualquer contrato petrolífero, por concurso público ou não, cabe sempre ao Presidente da República.
O Decreto n.º 48/06, do Conselho de Ministros, sobre os Procedimentos de Concursos Públicos no Sector dos Petróleos, estabelece que a aprovação final dos concursos públicos cabe ao Governo, ou seja exclusivamente ao Presidente da República, como chefe do Executivo (Art. 14º, c).
Como exemplo, um ano antes de Isabel dos Santos ter apresentado queixa, o seu pai promulgou, a 27 Outubro 2006, a autorização conferida à Sonangol para associar-se, entre outras empresas, à Prodoil, para a realização de operações petrolíferas no Bloco 1/06 (Decreto n.º 82/06).
A Prodoil é uma empresa criada a 9 Novembro 2001 pela Marsanto, e com participação simbólica da Prodiaman e Arlindo Fernando da Costa.
A Marsanto é uma empresa criada a 17 Dezembro 1996, pelos sobrinhos do Presidente Edson dos Santos Sousa e Esmeralda dos Santos Sousa, filhos da sua irmã Marta dos Santos, assim como o consorte desta José Pacavira Narciso.
Por sua vez, este cunhado de José Eduardo dos Santos é o PCA da Prodoil desde 2001.
Caixa Geral de Depósitos vende participação na Zon a Isabel dos Santos
14 June 2012
A empresária angolana pagou cerca de 85 milhões de euros pela participação de 10,88% que o banco do Estado detinha na empresa de telecomunicações. Isabel dos Santo passa a ser a maior acionista privada da empresa, com 28,8 por cento do capital.
INVESTMENTS IN CAPE VERDE ISLAND
UNITEL a company which is Isabel dos Santos daughter of Jose Eduardos dos Santos owned by 25% ACQUIRED 70% OF THE CAPE VERDE ISLANDS PHONE COMPANY "T Mais" October 2012.
The Son of Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos
José Filomeno dos Santos, aka "Zenu"
Millionaire overnight, where the money come from?
José Filomeno dos Santos is CEO of the China Petrotechnical Corporation register in Hong Kong partner of SINOPEC Corp (China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation) The Father is the Dictator of the MPLA, Government, Armed Forces, etc… the uncle is Manuel Vicente, President of the Counsel and Administration (PCA) of the Angola Petrol Company Sonangol, family business is the best (wow is Angola a family run business? yeap it seems so). Jose Filomeno dos Santos, aka Zenu spent time in tour of China petroleum infrastructures in 2005.
José Filomeno dos Santos son of the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos is being investigated by the German Authorities for Money Laundry
24 March 2011
José Filomeno dos Santos, son of Jose Eduardo dos Santos the MPLA Regime Dictator, seen by some observers as a potential successor to become Head of State, is in the eyes of the German and Swiss media because of alleged illicit business activities.
Zenu, is the nick name for José Filomeno dos Santos, is a man that has already worked in several companies of the MPLA Regime: he was part of the Directors of Sonangol and was director adjunct of its subsidiary company AAA, before venturing in the world of International Businesses: he passed by Sweden, he studied in England and participated in several projects, such as “Afrikanische Innovations Stiftung”, Foundation for the Innovation of Africa, with head quarters in Switzerland.
The Swiss journalist specialized in economic matters, Lukas Haessig, recently published and article about the suspicious activities of Zenu dos Santos in Switzerland, in which he explains the function of the Son of the Dictator of Angola Comrade Jose Eduardo dos Santos, allegedly to finance building works for Charity in Africa. “Zenu dos Santos with this front pretends to create for himself a positive image”, sais Haessig.
The Director of the Foundation is a Swiss lawyer by the name of Thomas Ladner, who at the same time, also directs the company of financial services with the name of Quantum in Switzerland. Zenu dos Santos is also one of the promoters of the Bank Quantum Angola: “This for me is a web of companies - an Angolan network - always with the same individuals who work in together”, states the journalist.
The unclear role of a German Banker
Behind the businesses of Zenu dos Santos is Jean-Claude de Morais Bastos, a Swiss citizen original from Cabinda. It was through him that Zenu created his Bank “Quantum Bank” and recruited to this Bank Ernst Welteke, ex-president of the Central Bank of Germany, Mr. Ernst Welteke today occupies the functions of President of the Council of Administration of the Bank of the Son of Jose Eduardo dos Santos.
Haessig considers being “very peculiar” a ex-president of the Bundesbank (German Central Bank) exercising such functions in a Bank of the Son of the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos, e, and at the same time, in a Bank in Switzerland with the same name, but that alegedly nothing has to do one with the other. "But looking for the Administration we can see that its Administrative personnel are exactly the same. Mr. Ernst Weltecke belongs to both Administration Councils and also the Angolan-Swiss citizen Basto de Morais is in both banks".
Accusations of Money Laundry
Angolan observers residents in Germany have already made serious public accusations against this network, which they qualify as a Laundry machine of money laundry from public funds in Angola. The laundry would be made with the participation and help of some German personalities, such as Ernst Welteke, writes an Angolan journalist resident in Germany, in an article published in the German magazine "afrika Süd". Title of the article: “Dirty money seeks washing-up”.
The Swiss Journalist, Lukas Haessig, says that despite of no proof, for the time being. Deutsche Welle tried in vain to contact Mr. Ernst Welteke, member of the Social-Democrat German party, which in 2004 was forced to quit from the German Central Bank for suspicion of corruption.
Author: António Cascais/Cristina Krippahl
Revision: Helena Ferro de Gouveia
Translation into English: Mangovo Ngoyo
Bank Kwanza Invest
www.bancokwanzainvest.com
José Filomeno dos Santos, on of the sons of the President Jose Eduardo dos Santos in one of the proprietors of the Bank Kwanza Invest.
Rádio Kwanza
Rádio Kwanza is the now Radio Station of José Filomeno, dos Santos son of the President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, it will start to broadcast in 2012.
The Eldest Daughter of Comrade Jose Eduardo dos Santos, gave a Diamond Mine to his oldest daughter.
The exploration of her Diamond mine in the mining zone of Camatué, in Lunda Norte.
Ngutuika Josefa Matias (dos Santos)
Daughter of Elisabeth Kaenje Konambanfe and of Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos, but of course this daughter, born outside of his "official " marriage does not qualify for a Diamond Mine. UPDATE: January 2012 apparently rumours in Luanda, say that the Communist Leader Jose Eduardo dos Santos, finally has recognized this person has his daughter while in Zaire.
Welwitschia José dos Santos “Tchizé” another Daughter of Comrade Jose Eduardo dos Santos
Presidential Promiscuity Has Corrupted Society
By Rafael Marques De Morais
4 December 2009
In August, I sent a letter to the president of the Angolan republic, in which I drew attention to the fact that the attorney general of the republic was breaking the law by serving as the managing director of various private firms, something that is incompatible with the office that he holds. [1]
Several people have asked me about the lack of a response from the head of state and government regarding these complaints. My response has been that one cannot and should not expect any positive reaction from the president of the republic concerning corruption and respect for the law. I argued that José Eduardo dos Santos embodied the same promiscuity that he himself had condemned as the worst evil of his government. [2] I also stated that disrespect for the law was common practice for His Excellency.
In response to these questions, I present a brief investigation into the practices of the Eduardo dos Santos Foundation (FESA) as a case study of the president's behaviour in relation to the institutions of state, current law and corruption. While serving as president of the republic, José Eduardo dos Santos also serves as chairman of his foundation, a private entity whose structures include members of the government, members of parliament, multinational corporations and private businesses. Research reveals several articles of legislation which have been ignored by FESA since it was founded in 1996, and which outlaw the use of public powers to personal ends, conflict of interests, influence-peddling and other corrupt practices.
Why has society seemed powerless in the face of the innumerable abuses of power by the president of the republic? This article tries to locate Dos Santos's actions in the context of the collective mentality that is paralysing society: generalised corruption. The article questions the president's political and moral legitimacy in continuing to rule the country after 30 years in power, while disrespecting the laws approved by his own government and allowing corruption to become institutionalised.
THE REIGN OF DOS SANTOS
According to Article 65 of the Angolan constitution, 'the President of the Republic is not responsible for acts carried out in the exercise of his duties, except for cases of bribery or treason to the Fatherland'. (Some lawyers argue that Angolan legislation does not define the crime of bribery and that the provision on treason does not apply to the president. Nevertheless, as a signatory to the SADC (Southern African Development Community) Protocol against Corruption,[3] Angola makes up for this omission since the state has incorporated the protocol into its domestic law. [4] ) Thus, with a constitutionally enshrined freedom from responsibility, the president can do as wishes. His slightest whim is law. Lawyers from the ruling MPLA (Movimento Popular de Libertaçao de Angola - Partido do Trabalho) party go to extremes to interpret the president's violations of the law as acts of sovereignty and as demonstrations of the political wisdom of their leader.
The 30-year reign of José Eduardo dos Santos has been successful in two respects. First, in the accumulation of wealth beyond measure, in shadowy ways and with impunity, by the presidential family, the closed inner circle of government, generals of the Angolan armed forces, high officers of the Angolan National Police, the MPLA elite and foreigners partners. Second, in the absolute control of political, economic and social power through a web of corruption that is complemented by strategies of repression.
In a recent talk on Radio Ecclesia I drew attention to a number of concrete cases of corruption in the highest echelons of the state. I referred to the ongoing violation of the law by members of the government and by those who control public resources. I quoted in particular the flouting of the Law on Crimes Committed by Public Office Bearers [5] and the Disciplinary Regulations for Public Management[6], which both clearly prohibit officials from using their positions or engaging in state business for personal benefit, beyond the proper remuneration for their work.
Several citizens have spoken to me about this subject. Yet it seems that society in general is still not yet prepared to deal with the truth. People feel offended, and can even become hostile, when someone exposes the truth to public view. This is one of the effects of generalised corruption, not of fear of repression. Even though the looting of public wealth has been laid bare, a large part of society prefers to survive by hiding behind the illusion that everyday corruption is an act of benevolence by those in power.
'They [the power holders] plunder, but also allow others to plunder their share.' This seems to be the justification among the more enlightened sections of society.
The fear that is so often evoked as an explanation for the impotence of society is simply the fear of losing the property or benefits that are to be gained through dealings based on institutional, party-political or family connections. This is the condition of citizens who are aware of reality and capable of effecting change. This is a middle class riding on the back of opportunism.
THE PRESIDENT'S LAW
The president of the republic, José Eduardo dos Santos, is the chairman of FESA, a private organisation which the Council of Ministers, chaired by President dos Santos, ratified as a public utility institution. [7] From an ethical and legal point of view, this act in itself reveals a conflict of interest and influence-peddling, in that the president, acting through a collegiate institution of government, approved his private foundation as a public utility.
According to the Regulations for Associations and Other Public Utility Institutions, [8] public utility status is bestowed upon 'philanthropic or humanitarian associations, or aid and educational institutions founded by private individuals, of which the beneficiaries are the inhabitants of a particular place, and which are not administered by the State'. [9]
According to FESA itself, the foundation was created in 1996, 'with His Excellency President José Eduardo dos Santos as its founder'.[10] Bestowing upon FESA the status of public utility thus violates the regulation referred to above, which was approved by the president of the republic as head of the Council of Ministers, and which is supposed to apply only to institutions created by private individuals. The president of the republic is not a private entity.
As the chairman of FESA, the organisation's highest authority, the president of the republic plays an active role, with the power to chair meetings of the trustees' committee, to appoint the members of the same committee, to convene meetings, to appoint and dismiss the president and vice-presidents of the foundation and to 'determine the disposal of the foundation's assets', among other tasks. [11]
From an ethical and legal point of view, the incumbent president of the republic may not exercise any private function. Although constitutional law is not specific on the matter, this conclusion can be reached through extensive interpretation, according to the constitutional expert Mihaela Webba. If parliamentarians and judges may not fulfil private functions other than teaching, then the president of the republic as the bearer of the highest state office certainly may not.
Moreover, in Angola the president is an executive entity, since he is head of government and as such should, at the very least, respect the judicial regime applied to members of the government, namely the Law on Crimes Committed by Public Office Bearers. Even if this law does not apply to the president of the republic, by association and by interpretation José Eduardo dos Santos ought to comply with this law as a member of the government. [12] This law prohibits the use of public office for personal gain, and combining private and public roles. Good sense should have persuaded José Eduardo dos Santos not to establish the foundation while in office as president of the republic.
The very nature of the foundation conflicts with the statesmanlike behaviour that is expected of the president, and damages the supposed separation of public power from private interests. FESA, in point 1.2 of article 3 of its constitution, provides for delivering special consultancy services 'with a view to technical assistance to public and private institutions (...)'. In point 1.3 of the same article, FESA intrudes into the realm of national politics by declaring itself ready to 'contribute to the formulation of national policy conducive to the sustainable development of the country'. [13]
Article 4 of FESA's statutes states that the foundation must 'promote the creation of private business enterprises in which the foundation becomes a shareholder.' [14] This is something which has happened with great success. FESA's participation in commercial business, with no line drawn between the state and the private sphere, makes the president of the republic the representative of the commercial interests of a private association in which local meets international capital.
As proof of his absolute power, José Eduardo dos Santos has brought part of the government and other bodies of state, such as the National Assembly, into the management of FESA, in disregard of the law. The sustenance of such a decision corrupts the workings of the public administration. This is demonstrated by looking at the management structures of FESA and of its sporting offshoot, the Santos Football Club.
FESA [15]
Santos Football Club [16]
Manuel Vicente, the chairman of the board of the Angolan state oil company, Sonangol, is breaking the Disciplinary Code for Public Management by serving as vice-chairman of FESA, a private function, even though he was mandated to do so by the president of the republic. On the other hand, Sonangol, a state company, is a member of the FESA general assembly, one of the main donors to the foundation and a partner in FESA's investment arm, Suninvest, in the Empreendimentos Miramar project in Luanda. [17]
This is a modern high-rise complex currently under construction next to the Alto das Cruzes cemetery, and which includes a five-star Hotel Intercontinental [18], the biggest casino in the country and three apartment towers, with the most expensive flats currently on the market. Sonangol holds 43% of the shares and Suninvest 40%, while the foreign business that is building the project, the Nankwing Rainbow Company, holds the remaining 17%. [19] This raises the question of who is paying the millions of dollars needed for the construction of the project? Where is Suninvest getting its funds from? Or is Sonangol covering all the costs and offering shares to Suninvest? This information is not in the public domain.
Although the National Assembly has removed the explicit definition of acts of corruption from the Law on Economic Crimes, and its succeeding laws, Angola remains a signatory to the SADC Protocol Against Corruption, [20] the United Nations Convention Against Corruption, [21] and the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption. [22] The legal mechanisms and definitions set out in these documents apply to Angola.
More seriously, there is a simple explanation for the total support that the president's actions enjoy among members of the government, MPLA parliamentarians, and the leaders of the armed forces and the police: they do as the president wishes so that they too may act with impunity.
Let us take the example of the head of Sonangol, Manuel Vicente, whose personal businesses, such as Sadissa, engage in multi-million dollar deals with the state, but who has never been punished for such illegal acts. [23]
The same can be said of Manuel Rabelais. The minister of information is the managing director of various companies, some of which provide services to the state media outlets. Apart from giving away Channel 2 of TPA (Angolan Public Television) to the president's children, Manuel Rabelais insists on breaking the law by keeping Tchizé dos Santos, the president's daughter, as one of the interim directors of TPA. [24] Tchizé dos Santos is the managing director of Semba Comunicaçao, which is responsible for producing the content of TPA's Channel 2. The law known as the Statute of the Public Manager prohibits the simultaneous holding of public and private office in the way that Tchizé dos Santos does. She has the double role of public servant and the main private supplier to TPA. What possibility does this leave for an oversight role by the state?
As members of FESA structures, ministers Manuel Rabelais, Francisca Esparito Santo and Mankenda Ambroise, vice-ministers Pinda Simao and Victoria de Barros Neto, as well as the ambassador to UNESCO, Sita José, and the Africa and Middle East Director in the Foreign Ministry Nelson Cosme, are committing the crime of abuse of power, according to the Law on Crimes Committed by Public Office Bearers (Lei dos Crimes Cometidos por Titulares de Cargos de Responsabilidade).
The Members of Parliament Domingos Peterson and Teresa Cohen are violating Line H of Article 16 of the Deputies' Statute (Estatuto dos Deputados), by serving on FESA's Curators' Committee. [25] Two of the longest-standing members of the MPLA's political bureau - the parliamentarians Afonso Domingos Pedro Van-Danem 'Mbinda' and Magalhaes Paiva 'Nvunda' - are also involved in the Santos Football Club.
The president in turn abuses the human resources that are put at his disposal for the fulfilment of his state duties and for his personal security by deploying them in the management of the Santos Football Club. This is the case with Manuel Paulo da Cunha and Generals Leopoldino Nascimento and José Joao Mawa.
Moreover, according to the Santos Football Club website, the club's main objectives include commercial success through 'finding the best and easiest route to acquire resources through the international known model of the "business-club"'. [26] Since José Eduardo dos Santos continues his role in FESA, and the Santos Football Clube is a FESA project, it is fair to say that the president is directly involved in private business.
INFLUENCE-PEDDLING
Furthermore, FESA represents the most blatant example of influence-peddling ever seen in the country. The FESA general assembly includes representatives of the oil multinationals British Petroleum (BP), ExxonMobil, Total and of the Block 2 associates (Braspetro, Sonangol Chevron, and the Angolan private companies Somoil, Poliedro and Kotoil), as well as the diamond giant De Beers. The construction firms that have benefited the most from state contracts - the Brazilian Odebrecht and the Portuguese Soares da Costa, Teixeira Duarte and Mota Engil - enjoy presidential favour as members of the FESA general assembly and its main donors.
The firm that is almost exclusively responsible for the overseeing of the main state construction projects, Dar, offered FESA office space while the foundation was being set up. Dar is a member of the FESA general assembly, while its proprietor, the Lebanese Ramzi Klimk, is also the chairman of the foundation's fiscal committee.
Klimk is also a shareholder in FESA's investment arm, Suninvest, and of the German multinational Siemens, in Siemens Angola. [27] The main state-owned companies, Sonangol, TAAG (Angola Airlines), the diamond company Endiama and Angola Telecom also have seats in the FESA general assembly.
According to Article 21, point 1, line B of the FESA statutes, one of the requirements for a seat in the general assembly is the donation of at least a minimum sum 'determined by the Council of Curators'. However, there is no public information as to what this minimum sum is. [28]
In terms of current legislation, [29] the monetary and material contributions by these companies to FESA can be defined as acts of corruption since they involve direct or indirect gifts to the highest state official, the president, who as head of the Council of Ministers has the power to decide on the awarding of all relevant state contracts. Until recently, FESA's President Ismael Diogo, who works with members of the general assembly on a daily basis, was also a public office holder with the position of Angolan consul general in Rio de Janeiro.
CONCLUSIONS
Over 30 years in power, José Eduardo dos Santos has never earned a democratic mandate as president. Appointed president of the republic by the MPLA in 1979, he did not win an outright majority in Angola's first and only presidential election in 1992, and the required second round of that election never took place. His current behaviour deprives him of any political or moral legitimacy to continue in office. As Manuel Jorge points out, 'there is no legitimate power without respect for the law'. [30]
Since bribery is defined as an act of corruption, citizens ought to organise themselves to explore all the legal, civic and political means to insist on an independent audit of FESA's activities, since there are plenty of indications that criminal action could be taken against the president of the republic, José Eduardo dos Santos.
Society urgently needs a debate on how to restore the legitimacy, honour and authority of the office of the president of the republic. The ongoing disrespect for the law is, in itself, a form of tyranny and the corruption of political power and of state institutions.
To take a stand against the political irresponsibility, impunity and corruption that are robbing Angolans of the prospect of a better collective future is an act that is in keeping with the constitution and with aspirations for a more moral society. Angola needs a leader who can restore morality to society and to government for the benefit of future generations.
NOTES
[1] See the author's letter about the attorney general's business activities, addressed to the president of the republic on 13 August 2009. A copy is available at http://makaangola.com/wp-content/uploads/Letter-to-the-President-of-Angola.pdf
[2] Dos Santos, José Eduardo (2008) 'Devemos corrigir todas as praticas negativas que afectam a imagem do Governo', address at the opening of the 11th Extraordinary Meeting of the MPLA Central Committee.
[3] Assembleia Nacional, Resoluçao.° 38/05 de 8 de Agosto, Protocolo contra a Corrupçao da SADC.
[4] According to the SADC Protocol Against Corruption, 'Corruption ... includes bribery or any other behaviour in relation to persons entrusted with responsibilities in the public and private sectors which violates their duties as public officials, private employees, independent agents or other relationships of that kind and aimed at obtaining undue advantage of any kind for themselves or others.'
[5] Assembleia do Povo (1990) Lei n.° 21/90 de 22 de Dezembro.
[6] Comissao Permanente da Assembleia do Povo (1989) Lei n.° 10/89 de 30 de Dezembro. www.makaangola.com
[7] Conselho de Ministros, Resoluçao n°14/96 de 20 de Dezembro.
[8] Conselho de Ministros (2001) Decreto n.° 5/01 de 23 de Fevereiro.
[9] Ibid., Artigo 2°, n.° 3.
[10] See http://www.fesa.og.ao/fundacao/estatuto.htm
[11] See section II of the FESA Statures on the foundation's organs, particularly article 8, which defines the role of chairman, and article 9 which sets out the competencies of the chairman in six lines.
[12] The Supreme Court controversially ruled on 21 December 1999 that 'the President of the Republic is in a certain manner a member of the government since he presides over the formation of the government, having the power of decision in the Council of the Republic.' The Angolan lawyer Antonio Paulo disagrees with this interpretation by the Supreme Court, and argues that from a constitutional point of view, the leadership of the government falls on the prime minister. Nevertheless, the president shelters behind this ruling as a way of legitimising his absolute control over the government's decisions. He must therefore be held to account as a member of the government.
[13] See Fundaçao Eduardo dos Santos (2009) Alteraçao do Pacto Social da FESA, Diairio da Republica, III Série, n.° 77, de 27 de Abril, p 3607.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Table based on information available on the FESA website. http://www.fesa.og.ao/fundacao/orgaos.htm
[16] Ibid. http://www.fesa.og.ao/projectos/sfc.htm
[17] See Miramar Empreendimentos, Limitada (2007) Constituiçao da sociedade Miramar Empreendimentos, Limitada, Diairio da Republica, III Série, n.° 70, de 11 de Junho, pp.2169-71.
[18] See InterContinental Luanda at http://www.ichotelsgroup.com/intercontinental/en/gb/new-hotels/luanda
[19] Ibid. p.2170
[20] Assembleia Nacional, Resoluçao.n° 38/05 de 8 de Agosto, Protocolo contra a Corrupçao da SADC.
[21] Assembleia Nacional, Resoluçao n.° 20/06 de 23 de Junho, Convençao das Naçaes Unidas contra a Corrupçao.
[22] Assembleia Nacional, Resoluçao n.° 27/06 de 14 de Agosto, Convençao da Uniao Africana sobre a Prevençao e o Combate à Corrupçao.
[23] Marques de Morais, Rafael (2009) Legal Doubts over Thales' Angola Deal, text available at http://makaangola.com/?p=44〈=en-us
[24] Gabinete do Ministro da Comunicaçao Social (2009) Despacho n.° 38/09, 28 May.
[25] According to this point of law, one may not 'use the position of member of parliament to benefit private interests, whether one's own or of a third party, in any way'.
[26] See FESA (2009) Programas e Projectos, Santos Futebol Clube de Angola: Objectivos do Clube. http://www.fesa.og.ao/projectos/sfc.htm
[27] Vide Siemens, S.A, Dia¡rio da Republica, III Série, n.° 94, de 4 de Agosto de 2006, pp. 2629-33.
[28] A public disclosure by a former member of FESA's general assembly, the then Norwegian oil company Norsk Hydro (currently StatoilHydro) revealed that it contributed with an annual sum of US$100,000 to the president's foundation. See http://www.hydro.com/upload/33521/Final%20Libya%20Investigation%20Report%202008-10-06.pdf
[29] As an illustration, the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption defines corruption, in Article 4, point 1, line B as 'the offering or granting, directly or indirectly, to a public official or any other person, of any goods of monetary value, or other benefit, such as a gift, favour, promise or advantage for himself or herself or for another person or entity, in exchange for any act or omission in the performance of his or her public functions'.
[30] Jorge, Manuel (2001) Poder e Autoridade: A Legitimidade em Questao, text sent to the Farum sobre as Mutiplas Consequências da Guerra, 14-15 March, Luanda.
The Private Present Diamond Mind of Welwitschia José dos Santos “Tchizé”
On the 5 of November 2010, José Eduardo dos Santos, authorized the Ministry of Geology, Mines and Industry to issue a concession in the region of Lunda-Norte of the Muanga Project to his daughter Welwitschia José dos Santos “Tchizé”.
On the 2 of December 2010 this concession came into law with the Presidential Decree No. 296/10
The Muanga Project was originally given issued on the 14 of July 2005 by José Eduardo dos Santos as an association between Endiama (51%), and the Society of Mining Development (Sociedade de Desenvolvimento Mineiro – SDM) (20%), Odebrecht (19%) and Di Oro (10%).
SDM is a consortium between Endiama and the Brazilian multinational Odebrecht.
Semba Comunicação (Semba Comunications)
This communications company as has partners two sons of the President of Angola which are Welwitshea known as "Tchizé", and José Paulino dos Santos. The company is spending 17 million USD between 2011 and 2012 on adverts promoting the Republic of Angola and what a great place it is do do business the international news channel CNN, the money off course is paid from public funds, and the company gets its commission, all nice and clear. The name of the advert campaign is "Angola Grow With Us".
The web page of the company was www.semba-c.com and www.semba.ao
Semba Comunicação, a private Angolan company, has been receiving millions of dollars directly from the presidency of the Republic of Angola’s budget to produce commercials to improve the image of Angola abroad. However, this company, incorporated on 11 October 2006, is owned by President José Eduardo dos Santos’ children, namely Welwitchea José dos Santos ‘Tchizé’ and José Paulino dos Santos ´Coréon Du.’ They are promoting the image of their father’s regime through campaigns broadcasted on CNN International. President Dos Santos has been in power for 32 years without ever being elected by the people.
The 2012 presidential budget alone allocates almost US $17 million for Semba Comunicação to engage in a contractual agreement with CNN International for a new advertisement campaign.
José Eduardo Paulino dos Santos “Coreon Dú”
The Company, Di Oro - Sociedade de Negócios e Alta Costura Limitada, established in 2003, is owned by Tchizé dos Santos (73.34%), and her husband Hugo André Nobre Pêgo (16.66%), and the President singer son José Eduardo Paulino dos Santos “Coreon Dú” (10%).
At the time of the signing of the Muanga Mining Project, the company Di Oro –Sociedade de Negócios e Alta Costura Lda (Society of Businesses and High Fashion Limited), had a different area and scope of business, has stated in article No. 2 of the company incorporation papers, which was “high class fashion designs, administration of industrial ventures, decoration, commercialization of cosmetics, clothing for weddings, cocktails, anniversaries and receptions”.
José Eduardo Paulino dos Santos “Coreon Dú” left, Jose Eduardo dos Santos, centre with his latest wife on the right
On the 30 of September 2005, two months after the diamond mining concession was granted to both sons and the son in law of José Eduardo dos Santos they changed the name of the company to “Di Oro – Sociedade de Negócios Limitada” (Society of Businesses Limited), and the Article No. 2 of incorporation was changed to “geological studies, diamond prospection and mining, association in the participation of mining businesses, hospitality industry and confections, general commerce, import and export”.
The Brazilian Multinational Odebrecht his heavily involved in accounts of corruption directly involving the President of Angola, by giving 10% of the Social Capital of the Muanda Mining Project to the sons of the President Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos, whom personally signed the contracts with the Director of the Brazilian Multinational Odebrecht Mr. António Mamieri.
The Contract of the Muanga Mining Project in Article No.25 states that Odebrecht and SDM both assume the compromise to make all investments. The only justification for the Di-Oro to receive 10% of the business is the privilege that has in gaining the signature of the President Jose Eduardo dos Santos.
The Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos is in the habit of giving mining concessions to his own sons and family, on the 30 November 2005 he gave a concession for Prospect, Research and Recognition of the deposits of primary diamonds in the Cabuia Mining Project, in the region north-east of Saurimo in Lunda Sul by Decree No. 106/05 of 9 December 2005 of the Council of Ministers.
The consortium formed by the company of Tchizé dos Santos, N’Jula Investments, Miningest and Sambukila, was given 5% of the social capital in the mining project, without necessity of any financial contributions to it, either material or technical.
In the mining Project Cabuia, the company Equatorial Diamonds owned by the businessman Hélder Bataglia, assumed the entirety of the finance of the project in his own account and risk, and stayed with 44% of the total of shares.
The company Endiama, in its quality of representing the state, received 51% of the shares. The contract was celebrated for a period of 5 years by Executive Decree No. 7/06 of 30 of January 2006, of the Ministry of Geology and Mines, such contract received some changed to its original configuration, in relation to the Mining Project of Cabuia.
The consortium of Tchizé dos Santos gained a new amount of 30% for the diamonds exploration period. The company Endiama (35.5%) and the company Equatorial Diamonds (34.5%).
Media Nova www.medianova.co.ao
Media Nova (New Media) is the biggest editorial media in Angola they are controlled and owned by two sons of Mr. El President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, yep the same old giza, you should get the hang of the way things are run in "Angola" by now.
Media Nova owns Radio More (Rádio Mais) and the TV Channel Zimbo (TV Zimbo).
www.radiomais.co.ao
Rádio Ecclesia was the radio channel more widely listened in Angola but as from 2012 it can only broadcast in certain areas, on the contrary Radio More (Rádio Mais) can broadcast everywhere at leisure, Radio More (Rádio Mais) you guess it, it is owned by the Company Media Nova which is owned by two sons of Mr. El President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, owned by Welwitshea José dos Santos “Tchizé” and of José Paulino dos Santos “Coréon Du".
Maria Luísa Perdigão Abrantes “Milucha"
Maria Luísa Perdigão Abrantes “Milucha" is the mother of Welwitshea José dos Santos “Tchizé” and of José Paulino dos Santos “Coréon Du”.
www.anip.co.ao
Maria Luísa Perdigão Abrantes “Milucha" is also the president of the National Agency for Private Investment in Angola ANIP (Agência Nacional para o Investimento Privado).
ANA PAULA CRISTÓVÃO LEMOS DOS SANTOS
Born 17 Outubro 1963, tendo feito os seus estudos primários em escolas da capital. Cedo se sentiu atraída pela abertura ao mundo proporcionada pela navegação aérea, tendo sido assistente de bordo das Linhas Aéreas de Angola durante dez anos.
Contraiu matrimónio com José Eduardo dos Santos, no dia 17 de Maio de 1991. Do enlace matrimonial nasceram três filhos: Eduane Danilo (nascido a 29/09/1991), Joseana (nascida a 5/4/1995) e Eduardo Breno (nascido a 2/10/1998), incluindo o núcleo familiar mais cinco filhos do lado paterno, anteriores ao casamento.
Eduane Danilo Lemos Dos Santos
Eldest son of Ana Paula Cristovao Lemos dos Santos
with Jose Eduardo dos Santos
Front view of the Solar de Alvalade Building in Luanda
Rear view of the Solar de Alvalade Building in Luanda
Main Entrance Front view of the Solar de Alvalade Building in Luanda
July 2012
Eduane Danilo Lemos Dos Santos son of Jose Eduardo dos Santos and Ana Paula dos Santos
new purchased Penthouse Apartment on the 17 top Floor of the Solar de Alvalade Building in Lunda
valued at US$ 4,000,000 (Four Million US Dollars)
Eduane Danilo Lemos Dos Santos, um dos filhos mais novo do Presidente da República, foi recentemente brindado com um apartamento avaliado em quatro milhões de dólares norte-americanos, no edifício "Solar do Alvalade", localizado na rua Comandante Gika, adjacente a sede da OMA Nacional. O presenteado é filho mais velho do casamento com Ana Paula dos Santos.
Trata-se do apartamento mais caro do edifício por estar localizado no último andar (17 piso) com uma vista dos dois lados da cidade. Muito recentemente, e por orientação do “ofertante” que se desconhece, foi partida uma parte do imóvel para dar lugar a uma nova estrutura decorativa revestida de mármore branco.
No 7 July 2012, foi alugado uma grua para carregar as novas mobílias e material da cozinha para o apartamento. O facto foi encarado pelos vizinhos como uma demonstração "de poder", visto que todos os moradores do prédio usam elevadores e escadas para carregar os seus bens (mas nunca uma grua).
Eduane, de 21 anos de idade, se encontra neste preciso momento a estudar arquitetura na Inglaterra, será o morador mais novo daquele edifício e com o apartamento mais caro.
Vivem igualmente no referido edifício, o ministro da Administração e Território, Bornito de Sousa (que aparece de quando em vez), o chefe adjunto do SINSE, Fernando Eduardo Octavio, o ex-administrador da RNA, Eduardo Magalhães e o secretario de Estado junto a PR, Manuel Magalhães.
Em tempos, Manuel Rabelais foi-lhe recusado um pedido para colocar vidros na varada do seu apartamento no oitavo andar. A administração do edifício convocou-lhe para uma reunião onde lhe foi transmitido que não permitiam alterações porque iria tirar a estética do imóvel.
Até aqui não se sabe se o mesmo irá recorrer da decisão uma vez que o apartamento de “Danilo” dos Santos sofreu alterações, sem merecer qualquer objecção da direcção administrativa do referido edifício.
LAWYERS WHO HAVE REPRESENTED THE MPLA REGIME
Jean-Yves Le Borgne, french lawyer on the pay roll of the MPLA Regime
Reinhart Marville Torre’s lawyers
(Lawyers to Corrupt and Criminal Regimes)
"To retain our competitive edge, and mindful of our clients, lawyers and support staff, we constantly monitor and seek to control our cost base".
Jean Reinhart, lawyer to the MPLA Corrupt Regime
MPLA Regime No.2
General - Antonio dos Santos França aka “Ndalu”
No decision is taken without his presence. In al decisions even on those more sensitive such as High Command decisions in the Regime, the last word is his. He is revered as the strategist. He is a Regime figure such as Comrade Carlos Feijó, all call him “The Chief”. Comrade General França “Ndalu” is the father of the hawks. After the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos, General Ndalu is the only person in the Regime that can order to “shut the mouth” of Comrade Vice President “Nandó” and the mouth of Comrade General “Kopelipa”.
In the inner circle of the MPLA Regime it is mentioned that the Armed Forces of Angola belong to Comrade President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, but the Generals belong to Comrade General “Ndalu”. He is the mentor of Comrade General “Kopelipa”, of Comrade General João de Matos and others. He is the leader of the hawks in the MPLA Regime. All Generals have to obey him. In 2005 De Beers Angola Prospecting appointed General Antonio Dos Santos Franca ‘Ndalu’ to the board of the company as non-executive chairman.
TELESERVICE
Monopoly security of oil fields. Its founders were the generals Joao de Matos, France Ndalu, Armando da Cruz Neto, and Antonio Luis Faceira and Hendrick.
General Antonio dos Santos França aka “Ndalu” also has Investments in Air Gemini, the Lumanhe Company (diamonds) with Escom, linked to the Group Espirito Santo.
MPLA Regime No.3
General - Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias “Kopelipa”
The security of the Dictator Comrade President Jose Eduardo dos Santos is in his hands. He is the closest Henchmen of the Dictator and the one who has access to his home. (also only Comrade Vaz da Conceição and Comrade General Leopoldino have access).
He is Minister of State and Chief of the Military House. In Government he follows all military issues, defence, police and intelligence. All promotions in this areas have to pass through his hands first for appraisal. The Dictator Comrade President Jose Eduardo dos Santos appreciates his discrete side not getting involved with any group. He was the individual who the Dictator sent to convince the dissident Comrade Carlos Feijó to return to the presidential circle. Comrade Kopelipa is in the list of the 5 largest fortunes created by corruption of the MPLA Regime. He avoids political fights with the others in the Regime. He was the responsible of ending the carrier of the Regime Dissident General Fernando Miala.
NO PROOF OF ORIGIN: This insignificant piece of shit speaks no native language of Angola it is known he was born in Cape Verde and Island lost in the middle of the Atlantic somewhere between the African continent and South America.
BUSINESS IS GOOD IF YOU ARE A MPLA REGIME HENCHMEN
List of a few of the many companies owned by Comrade General Kopelipa
MACON
Revolutionize public transport in Luanda (buses and taxis). Hélder Vieira Dias, head of the Military House of the presidency and director of the Office of National Reconstruction is a member-founder.
AutoStar
Owns 40% of this company that distributes Car Parts and sales new cars like the Mercedes brand. Comrade Manuel José Van-Dúnem
another MPLA Regime Henchmen has 10% on this same company.
Activity: transport, trade.
World Wide Capital (WWC): As of April 2011 Comrade Kopelipa now owns 8,37% of the Bank BIG.
Hypermarket Kero
January 2012
Based on the Information of the Director General of the Hypermarket Kero the Brazilian Citizen João Santos, the investment interests in the Kero Hypermarket is made up from a joint of capitals from a group of Angolan Investors and the Private Bank Atlântico: “The US$35 millions are a joint of own capital and the resources made available by the partnership with the Private Bank Atlântico”.
On the 10th of December 2011 the Minister of Commerce Idalina Valente, inaugurated the third Hypermarket of Kero in Luanda in the new location of Kilamba. This housing project is the biggest of Angola and was under the responsibility of the Cabinet of National Reconstruction which is under the Command of General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias Júnior “Kopelipa”.
Presently (January 2012) the project is managed by the State Oil Company Sonangol and it is directed by Comrade Manuel Domingos Vicente.
The company proprietor of the project is Zahara, which is one of the Angolan companies that belong to the Group Aquattro International S.A. Who controls 99,96% of its capital.
This group of companies has in the last three years became the most dynamic and the leader of private development and investment in the angolan economy, it is exclusive property of three individuals: the President of the Board of Administration of Sonangol the State Oil Company Comrade Manuel Vicente;
the Minister of State and Chief of the Military House of the President of the Republic General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias “Kopelipa”; and its principal advisor General Leopoldino Fragoso do Nascimento.
These three partners hold an equal share in the Grupo Aquattro International S.A., each one has 33,3% of the social capital in the Group.
Coronel João Manuel Inglês, Logistics Officer in the Military House, and his Brother Domingos Manuel Inglês, private assistant of the businesses of General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias Júnior “Kopelipa”, have a symbolic representation 0,5% of shares in the Group.
This company was created by three partners, Ismênio Coelho Macedo, portuguese citizen, and an administrator of the Private Bank Atlântico, the one who financed in part the Hypermarket Kero.
Sonangol State Oil Company has a quantitative participation in the Private Bank Atlântico, of 7,5%, and it is represented in the Bank by a non executive administrator appointed by Sonangol Comrade Baptista Sumbe, who is a close associate and employed by Senior Comrade Manuel Vicente.
The Hypermarket Kero, in the housing estate of Cajú, Talatona, shows Comrade Manuel Domingos Vicente a member of another multimillionaire project which was financed by the State Oil Company Sonangol, the housing project was created for the accommodation of its workers, for the extended family of the President, and for the nomenclature elite of the MPLA Regime.
General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias Júnior “Kopelipa” and Comrade Manuel Domingos Vicente in the development of a housing project in the location of Kilamba, they both are the responsible for the taking of decisions in the project.
The Trio made up by Comrade Manuel Domingos Vicente, Generals Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias Júnior “Kopelipa” and Dino is also propriety of the Private Company Delta Imobiliária, by which the Angolan State has contracted to manage and oversee the sale of the houses at millionaire prices.
For the moment Comrade Manuel Domingos Vicente henchman of the MPLA Regime and the Generals of the Regime are granted total impunity in front of the law has they are the “de-facto” right hand men of José Eduardo dos Santos.
Pumangol with participation of “Kopelipa”
Pumangol, it is a new company (2011) in the Angolan market of comercialization and distribution of oil products, “downstream”, Angola,
it is a company constituted between the multinational company Puma Energy International, and the Trafigura Group and a group of Angolan investors. Among these the main partners are the Chief of the Military House Gen M H Vieira Dias “Kopelipa” and Leopoldino do Nascimento “Dino” , both very near to several titles and both having several businesses in common.
Before of the constitution of Pumangol (the bureaucratic set up process was done in an unusual speedy and timely manner unusual in Angola, supposedly by direct influence of Angolan personalities interested), Sonangol, through its holding, announced the intention of purchasing 20% of the participation in the Trafigura Group in the Company Puma Energy International, which mean that by the path it also has indirect interests in the new company.
Since its set up Pumangol has already opened up 15 distribution posts of gasoline in Luanda (end of 2011 early months of 2012), some of these gas stations are of big proportions.
Pumangol thus does not need to deal with the usual paper word and red tape and becomes more competitive in the “midstream”.
Pumangol does not depend of the Sonangol Refinery; it imports directly, in accordance with the plans that traces and which execution controls.
Angola officials held hidden oil stakes
Financial Times
By Tom Burgis and Cynthia O'Murchu, FT.com
16 April 2012
(Financial Times) Three of the most powerful officials in Angola have held concealed interests in an oil venture with Cobalt International Energy, the Goldman Sachs-backed explorer whose operations in one of the world's most promising energy frontiers are under investigation by US authorities, the Financial Times has learned.
The recently departed head of the national oil company and an influential general confirmed to the FT last week that they and another general have held shares in Nazaki Oil and Gáz, the local partner in a Cobalt-led deepwater venture launched in early 2010.
Warning its shareholders that it might face liabilities under US anti-corruption laws, Houston-based Cobalt said in February that the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Department of Justice were investigating its Angolan operations.
The three men's previously opaque shareholdings in Cobalt's local partner could raise questions about compliance with US anti-corruption law, which makes it a crime to pay or offer anything of value to foreign officials to win business.
Manuel Vicente, who was the head of state-owned Sonangol until his appointment in January as minister of state for economic co-ordination, and General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias Júnior, known as Kopelipa, the head of the presidency's military bureau, confirmed their holdings in Nazaki in near-identical letters.
As head of Sonangol, Mr Vicente oversaw Africa's second-biggest oil industry. Asked whether they had exerted any influence over the award of Cobalt's oil rights, Mr Vicente and Gen Kopelipa denied wrongdoing. They said they had held their Nazaki interests "always respecting all Angolan legislation applicable to such activities, not having committed any crime of abuse of power and/or trafficking of influence to obtain illicit shareholder advantages".
They said their interests and those of General Leopoldino Fragoso do Nascimento were held through Grupo Aquattro Internacional. Aquattro is named as a Nazaki shareholder in two company documents from 2007 and 2010 obtained by the FT. They said Aquattro had been "recently dissolved" but did not say whether they had disposed of their interests in Nazaki.
Gen Fragoso do Nascimento, a former head of communications in the presidency, did not respond to requests for comment.
Mr Vicente and Gen Kopelipa added: "Should the continued operation of Cobalt in the Angolan petroleum sector be unviable as a result of any failure to comply with any American law, there will certainly be [Angolan] and/or foreign entities interested in substituting for it in the assets it owns in Angola." Gen Kopelipa added that "that hopefully will not happen".
Responding to FT inquiries about the three officials, Cobalt stressed that its extensive and ongoing due diligence "has not found any credible support for [the] central allegation that Angolan government officials, and specifically the officials identified . . . have any ownership in Nazaki". It would be happy to review any proof.
"Cobalt has at all times complied fully with both US and Angolan laws," it said. Nazaki, which did not respond to a request for comment, denied the allegation, Cobalt said.
Goldman, one of Cobalt's founding investors and its biggest shareholder, declined to comment, as did the SEC and DoJ. Sonangol did not respond to requests for comment.
Kopelipa Pitta Gros Vieira Dias
The son of General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias Júnior “Kopelipa”
4 November 2012 - The of son General Kopelipa bought the Portuguese Company Viauto from the Company Santogal, a Company from the Portuguese Group Espirito Santo.
Viauto represents in Portugal and Spain the Car Brands of Ferrari and Maserati in both nations markets, but the deal made with the Son of General Kopelipa only corresponds to the Company Interests and Operations in Portugal.
Kopelipa Pitta Gros Vieira Dias, has and owns several businesses in Portugal, both in the bar, club and restaurants sector and in the Real Estate sectors, with this purchase he enters the selling of luxury cars in the Portuguese market.
It is not know the origin and source of his funds nor in which way and manner the funds will arrive in this European Community Country, Portugal. The Bank of Angola in an attempt to combat the exit of capitals from Angola, forbid that any Angolan citizen transfer to the exterior no more than $ 60,000 USD per year.
MPLA Regime No.4
Manuel Domingos Vicente
Comrade Manuel Domingos Vicente (son-in-law of the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos) receives $6 Million USD per year from the Oil Company Exxon for Rent of a Apartment in Barrio Corimba in Luanda, Angola, the Oil Company Exxon deposits the annual rent directly into the personal account of Comrade Manuel Domingos Vicente in a Swiss Bank.
Chinese unelected Vice Premier Li Keqiang (R) meets with Manuel Domingos Vicente (L), chairman and chief executive officer of Sonangol, Angola's state-owned oil company, in Beijing, May 9, 2010.
Manuel Domingos Vicente
(son-in-law of the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos)
Comrade Manuel Vicente is the 39º most important man of the Portuguese Economy!!!
So how much money does he has in Portugal? Just ask the Immensely Incompetent and Corrupt Portuguese Authorities.
In the start of 2010 he was in the path to become Minister of State for Economic Coordination, he also seen the name of one of his protégées Comrade Baptista Sumbo being denied to substitute him has President of the Administration Council of Sonangol the MPLA run and control State Oil Company.
The importance that the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos has given him denotes that he has now passed into the list of natural candidates to the presidential succession. He has received much power whereby he has now be given the control of Transport, Economy and Public Works. In the last years it is to him that Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos started to ask for the names of who should and should not be promoted. Some in the unelected Regime say that he is in training for the passage of the political testament. He is placing individuals of the MPLA Run State Oil Company Sonangol into Governmental Posts.
BCP (Banco Comercial Português) this Bank is the largest investment of the MPLA Regime in the portuguese economy. Sonangol, the State Oil Company of Angola controls 11,57% of shares in this bank, which confers to the MPLA Regime the largest share holder in the bank. Recently (early 2012) dictated the rules and structure of the institution. And selected the model of administration and appointed the names to the Council of Administration. We must understand that the MPLA Regime is advised in such matters by the Cuban advisors in the same way the Cuban Regime advises and controls the Regimes in Venezuela, Nicaragua, Argentina, Ecuador and Bolivia.
Manuel Domingos Vicente has accumulated one of the largest fortunes in Angola. He is also referred in the Regime structures as the financial facilitator of the New Rich inside of the MPLA Regime.
Opening ceremony of the Hypermarket Kero in Luanda
Hypermarket Kero : Partner in the Hypermarket Kero (Please read the details in MPLA Regime No.3)
Link between the MPLA Regime Dictator son-in-law and
state oil company raises questions about transparency
Sonangol, the state-owned oil company of Angola, nominated the son-in-law of Angola's President dos Santos to the board of a holding company that owns a third of the listed Portuguese oil firm Galp Energia, Global Witness has learned.
Angola is an impoverished country that depends on its oil industry to pay for reconstruction after a long civil war. Angola has a reputation for severe corruption which Global Witness has been reporting on for the last decade.1 Angola's people have one of the lowest life expectancies in the world: 46.5 years, according to the United Nations.2
Galp has major oil investments in Angola, a former colony of Portugal, and works closely with Sonangol, whose chairman Manuel Vicente sits on its board.3
A third of the shares in Galp are owned by a holding company called Amorim Energia BV. Forty-five per cent of the shares in Amorim Energia are owned by a company called Esperaza Holding BV, which is a subsidiary of Sonangol. The rest of Amorim Energia is ultimately controlled by Portugal's Amorim family.4
The board members of Amorim Energia include Sindika Dokolo5, a businessman married to Isabel dos Santos, a daughter of the Angolan president. As this briefing will show, Global Witness has learned that Dokolo was nominated to this post in April 2006 by Esperaza Holding. The latter was wholly owned by Sonangol at the time, according to Dutch corporate records.6
"The son-in-law of the Angolan president, a private businessman, should not be working so closely with the state company which is responsible for managing Angola's oil on behalf of its citizens," said Diarmid O'Sullivan of Global Witness. "This arrangement raises concerns about conflicts of interest to which Sonangol has not responded."
Sonangol's minority partner in Esperaza Holding is Exem Holding AG. a secretive company based in the Swiss canton of Zug which does not publicly disclose the identities of its owners.7 A director of Exem Holding, a Paris-based financier called Konema Mwenenge, told Global Witness that he has a "professional" relationship with Dokolo. But Mwenenge declined to say whether Dokolo has a financial interest in Exem Holding.8 Dokolo himself, via his lawyer, declined to respond to questions from Global Witness.9 Sonangol's chairman, Manuel Vicente, did not respond to written questions.10
The fact that the Angolan president's son-in-law appears to have been representing Sonangol in its indirect investment in Galp does not amount to evidence of wrongdoing. But these findings raise further questions about the transparency of Sonangol, the state oil company which dominates the economy of Angola.
Sonangol collects billions of dollars a year in revenues on behalf of the Angolan government and controls other companies' access to Angola's oil and gas reserves, but does not publish its accounts and discloses little detailed information about its activities.
When President dos Santos called for "zero tolerance" of corruption in November 2009, a prominent member of the ruling MPLA party said Angolans should feel free to criticise the president over his family's business dealings, Reuters news agency reported.11
Portuguese billionnaire Americo Ferreira de Amorim is the chairman of Amorim Energia. He told Global Witness, in a three-page response to questions about the issues raised in this briefing, that Dokolo had been appointed to the board of Amorim Energia "at the designation of Esperaza Holding".12
"The fact that Mr Dokolo is the husband of the daughter of President Jose Eduardo dos Santos does not seem in itself as relevant neither [sic] to qualify nor to disqualify him as a board member of Amorim Energia, and therefore was not a factor to have him appointed as a managing director of Amorim Energia," Amorim wrote in his letter to Global Witness. He added: "I can give you my personal views on the fact that the appointment of Mr Dokolo did not raise discussions concerning ethical issues."
Amorim said in his letter that the relationship between Amorim Energia and Galp was governed by a shareholder agreement that was in place before Dokolo came onto the former's board. Global Witness does not assert, or seek to imply, that companies controlled by the Amorim family have engaged in any illegal or illegitimate activity.
At the end of 2006, Sonangol's 100 per cent shareholding in Esperaza Holding had fallen to 60 per cent. The other 40 per cent was owned by a subsidiary of Exem Holding.13 Exem Holding, via its subsidiaries, has been granted access by Sonangol to potentially lucrative investments in Angolan oil and gas but appears to be otherwise unknown in the oil industry.
Sonangol has authorised subsidiaries of Exem Holding to:
- Acquire a 40 per cent stake in Esperaza Holding by the end of 2006, making it a partner in Sonangol's indirect investment in Galp.
- Acquire a 10 per cent stake in an Angolan gas exploration venture announced in December 2007. This venture is controlled by Sonangol. Its other shareholders include Galp, Italy's ENI and Spain's Gas Natural.14 The venture has reportedly been awarded a ten-year gas exploration licence and exempted from taxes.15
- Pre-qualify, as of late 2007, to bid for oil licences in Angola.16
Global Witness asked the Exem Holding director, Konema Mwenenge, to describe the process by which Exem Holding had acquired these investments and investment opportunities. Mwenenge replied in an email that: "I can confirm as a Director of Exem Holding that its subsidiaries did respond to tenders in Angola. Information concerning the tenders is available on the web site of the national oil company of Angola."17
Sonangol's website does report that a subsidiary of Exem Holding has been pre-qualified by Sonangol to bid for oil licences in Angola as a "non-operator" - that is, as a minority shareholder in a joint venture with other oil companies.18 However, there appears to be no information on this website about tenders in relation to Exem Holding's other interests. Global Witness wrote back and asked Mwenenge where this information could be found, but he did not respond.
Although Sonangol has a reputation for being professionally run, its opacity and its close links to the ruling elite of Angola have long been a cause of public concern. The state oil company has long been used by the government to borrow huge sums in a highly opaque manner and with little public accountability for the use of the money.19
For more than a year, Global Witness has been investigating the relationships between Sonangol and certain private companies that invest in Angola's oil sector, which are often complicated and hard to unravel because of a dearth of public information.
In August 2009, Global Witness reported on another little-known private company which was pre-qualified to bid for oil rights in Angola by Sonangol in late 2007. The shareholders of this company, Sociedade de Hidrocarbonetos de Angola, included a person called Manuel Domingos Vicente. The chairman of Sonangol, who has the same name, did not respond to a request for comment from Global Witness, nor did two other senior officials who also have the same names as shareholders in SHA.20
The International Monetary Fund agreed in late 2009 to lend $1.4 billion to Angola in return for policy pledges which include more transparency for Sonangol, but it remains to be seen whether these pledges will actually be implemented.21
"At a time when Angola's government is promising more transparency to the IMF in return for a bailout, our findings show that Sonangol is still anything but transparent," said O'Sullivan.
Global Witness believes that Angola's government cannot begin to reverse the country's international reputation for severe corruption until:
- Sonangol explains its relationship with Dokolo and identifies the ultimate beneficial owners of Exem Holding, who are currently unknown to the public.
- Sonangol publishes its audited accounts and full details of oil revenue flows between foreign oil companies, Sonangol itself and the Angolan government.
- Sonangol relinquishes its control over the allocation of oil and mining rights in Angola to an independent agency that operates under full public oversight and awards these rights in a transparent manner.
- International oil companies in Angola commit themselves not to go into partnership with any smaller companies whose ultimate beneficial ownership is unknown to the public.
- The government ensures that civil society groups within Angola are able to freely discuss matters of public interest, including the oil sector, without fear of harrassment or censorship in any form.
For further information, please contact:
Diarmid O'Sullivan: +44 207 492 5863 or +44 7872 620 955 and Amy Barry: +44 207 492 5858
Notes
1. Global Witness. A Crude Awakening. 1999; All the Presidents' Men. March 2002. Time for Transparency. March 2004. Available at www.globalwitness.org2. United Nations. Human Development Report 2009. Angola. The figures for life expectancy at birth are from 2007.
3. Galp Energia. Annual Report and Accounts 2008. Pages 6, 29 and 182
4. Amorim Energia BV. Annual accounts for 2008. Pages 3, 4 and 23.
5. Amorim Energia Annual report 2008. Page 3.
6. Amsterdam Chamber of Commerce. Handelsregisterhistorie. Esperaza Holding BV.
7. Handelsregister des Kantons Zug. Exem Holding AG.
8. Global Witness phone and email conversations with Mwenenge.
9. Correspondence between Global Witness and a lawyer acting for Dokolo.
10. Letter sent to Vicente by Global Witness on 15 September 2009.
11. Reuters. Angolan President calls on party to end corruption. 21 November 2009. Angolan President's family taint corruption fight. 3 December 2009.
12. Letter from Americo Ferreira de Amorim to Global Witness. 18 January 2010.
13. Esperaza Holding B.V. annual accounts 2006. Page 3.
14. Eni. Eni acquires a participation stake in the Angola LNG Project. 10 December 2007. This press release refers to Exem Exploration & Production B.V. This company has since been renamed Exem Oil & Gas B.V., according to annual accounts filed by the latter for 2007, and is wholly owned by Exem Energy B.V, which is wholly owned by Exem Holding AG.
15. Reuters. Angola set to exempt gas explorers from tax. March 25 2009.
16. Angolan licensing round 2007/2008. Companies pre-qualified for Non-Operator. List published by Sonangol on its website. http://www.sonangol.co.ao/17. Email to Global Witness from Mwenenge. 19 October 2009.
18. Angolan licensing round 2007/2008. Companies pre-qualified for Non-Operator. List published by Sonangol on its website. http://www.sonangol.co.ao/19. See Global Witness. Undue Diligence. How banks do business with corrupt regimes. March 2009. Chapter Eight.
20. Global Witness. Angola. Private oil firm has shareholders with same names as top government officials. Media briefing. 4 August 2009.
21. International Monetary Fund. IMF lends Angola $1.4 billion to support reserves, reforms. Press release. 26 November 2009. See also Global Witness. IMF risks condoning corruption with new loan to Angola. Press release. 5 November 2009.
MPLA Regime No.5
Comrade - Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos aka Nando
Prime Minister of Angola between 2002 to 2008, then President of the National Assembly, then February 2010 was appointed vice-president of Angola, by private choice of Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos
In the familiar circle of Comrade Jose Eduardo dos Santos he is seen as the better person who would protect them in adverse times. He is one of the rarest figures of the Regime that in the absence of Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos, would guarantee inner stability, in 1992 during the war with UNITA he was the guarantee of stability in person. He is respected because he had the merit to overthrow the Dissident General Fernando Miala who he was his mortal enemy.
In the inner hard side of the nucleus of the Regime the are scared of him, and rumours about that with him, “he it will be worse than the Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos”. People in his inner circle do not think that Jose Eduardo dos Santos is grooming him to replace him.
He hopes that one day he will be the “Constitutional Substitute” to the Presidency. He has become lately a switched of political figure, fact that disturbs him to bits. He no longer seems to be received by the Dictator. He has made know via third parties to the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos that he doesn’t enjoys his new political situation. His office is where it functioned the old Prime Minister Paulo Kassoma. The Regime wanted to transfer him to a new office near to the Presidency, in an office next to the Ceremonial Office but he refused.
He is one of the principal shareholders of the African Bank of Investments "Banco Africano de Investimentos" (BAI).
Mr Nando has also other businesses he owns a Ranch and he owns a Water Company which is managed by his sons, he also moves in the areas of real estate and construction.
MPLA Regime No.6
Comrade - Carlos Feijó
He is part of the doves faction in the Regime. He is in practice the figure who has in fact taken in the role of running the executive administration. He is not a member of the Political Bureau of the MPLA Party but participates in the meetings in the quality of “invited” of the Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos has the Dictator makes a point in introducing him in such capacity.
The Provincial Governor and the Ministers of the Social Departments and of Economy report directly to him, this makes of Comrade Carlos Feijó a figure in a superior position than that of the Vice-President of the MPLA Communist Regime. He has become the main individual in the investment policies in Guinea-Bissau a major hub in Africa for the Narco Trafficking.
GEMA
Company created by Simon Junior, its current president is Jose Leitao, former head of the Civil House of the Presidency. Account among its shareholders with the lawyer Carlos Feijó. Activity: supermarkets, cinemas, private clinic, shareholder of Coca-Cola Angola, partnerships with South African companies and Chinese.
MPLA Regime No.7
Comrade Paulo Kassoma is the one on the left with the glasses.
Comrade - Paulo Kassoma
He is constitutionally the third person in the State. He is referred as the person that more consensus gathers inside of the inner thought centre of the Regime He has no inner enemies at present. Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos nurtures strong admiration for him and recognizes in him a sense of humility.
In the eve of the Fraudulent Elections of 2008 where the Regime gained 80% of the votes after 37 Years in Power, and the economy, the country totally destroy by corruption and terrible management and total neglect by the unelected Communist Regime. Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos visited the region of Huambo having become “amazed” by what he had seen. At night on his return to Luanda he called him on the phone to inform him of his desire of making him his next Prime Minister of Angola. One of his best friends is the Vice-President “Nandó”. They studied together in the school of São Domingo when they where kids.
In European circles of intelligence Comrade Paulo Kassoma his seen as one of the possible substitutes for the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos to the Post of President of the Republic, but he has yet to give signs of his desire for such a post in the Regime
MPLA Regime No.8
Comrade General - António José Maria
He is the Chief of the Military Intelligence Service (SIM). He has the power of influence next to Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos in relation to military matters. The Generals have no sympathy for him. He is the Senior Officer of the Armed Forces that has mostly shown obedience to the wimps of the Regime, and is therefore the source of his power (a perfect ass licker “general”).
In 1992 e became an enemy of Fernando “Nandó” in regards to the assassination by the MPLA Regime of Adolosi Paulo Mango Alicerces the Secretary General of UNITA, Adolosi was his colleague when studying in the Huambo Higher Seminary, and during the war took refuge in his house. He was the mentor for the promotion of the Regime Dissident General Fernando Miala. In 2006 he had serious differences with Comrade Kundy Paihama.
He has already threatened Sebastião Martins the Chief of the MPLA Regime Secret Service SINFO.
He has influenced the dismissal of the ex Chief of the Armed Forces Comrade General Francisco Furtado and also responsible for the dismissal of the ex Commander of the Second Military region Comrade General Jack Raul and his both assistants of the Military Intelligence Service SIM Comrade General Zé Grande and Comrade General João Massano.
He has also made animosity with Comrade General “Kopelipa”. In short he is a member of the Regime that imposes order in the Generals.
MPLA Regime No.9
Kundy Paihama
He retains much influence in the south part of Angola where the population assume that he is their man that represents them in side of power. He is the individual in which Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos seeks no fights with. When the MPLA Regime was forces by the international community to end the one party only policy he was one of the Regime personalities who people fought he would leave the MPLA party to start his own party.
Since then Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos started to pay more attention to him and to his Native Ovimbundos.
Kundy Paihama visiting reclusive Regime of North Korea
Comrade Kundy Paihama is an equal partner in the Investment Group Angola Casinos (Casinos de Angola) the Complex is calculated in US $3,5 millions Dollars. One of the equal partner of the Investment Groups is a foreigner which is hiding from prosecution and police in Europe, his where about are unknown. Comrade Kundy Paihama promised (January 2012) that he will sort things out in order to became the majority share older partner.
Comrade Kundy Paihama has a taste for expensive and luxurious watches he bought a $50,000 USD watch and made it public. Now he says in his own words "that the trick is to keep the mouth shut, he can not say and he cannot buy what he likes".
MPLA Regime No.10
Comrade - Roberto António Victor Francisco De Almeida
Chairman of the National Assembly
Date of Birth: 05/02/1941, Place of Birth: Kaxicane, Icolo e Bengo Ethnicity: Mbundu
Career: Director General, Foreign Affairs Ministry, 1975; Minister of External Trade, 1976; Coordinator, MPLA Urban Committee, Luanda, 1978-79; Deputy President of National Assembly, 1980; Secretary, MPLA ideology sub-committee, 1982; MPLA representative for Bié Province, National Assembly, 1992; President, National Assembly, 1996 to date.
Commentary: A member of the MPLA old guard, Roberto De Almeida has built up a formidable business and political network. With good contacts in Europe, especially in Moscow, he has also developed ties with some French-speaking former activists of Holden Roberto's Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola (FNLA).
He his the Vice-President of the Communist MPLA Regime party.
MPLA Regime No.11
Comrade – Julião Mateus Paulo aka Dino Matross
Secretary General of the MPLA Party. He has importance for having been Minister of Security, for which reason even by not being active he can be called to give advise on sensitive matters. His political power of influences remains next to the Administration of State.
MPLA Regime No.12
Comrade - João de Almeida Martins aka “Jú”
His power is in the MPLA party. He is presently the ideological architect of the MPLA policy, and he operates like a specie of Vice-president in the shadows. From this apreciation is why they call him the little “Lucio Lara”. In party matters his vision is always taken into consideration by Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos. No decision is taken without his knowledge first.
The inner circle of the MPLA Regime acknowledge him with political wisdom. Party leaders state in informal circles that in the lack of Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos, Comrade Jú can maintain the Regime together. His adversaries for the post of President are “Manuel Vicente” and “Nandó”. While both of this individuals fight the succession struggle Jú Martins is laying down the foundations for the succession.
MPLA Regime No.13
Comrade General - Higino Carneiro
After the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos Comrade General Higino Carneiro is the Richest Henchman of the Regime of the MPLA.
In 2009 he had a small fight with “Kopelipa” concerning labour matters. He was one of the ministers that was more involved with state matters. He accompanies Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos to all his foreign trips.
In October 2010 Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos invited him to the post of Governor of Luanda, but he refused saying that he only accepts that post if he can have his own powers for the job and without any interference from central power. He has acquired illegitimately like the rest of the Members of the MPLA Regime an amazing personal fortune, and he is the political figure that more supports the MPLA Party. He is responsible for moving $200USD million dollars from INEA to the MPLA campaign in 2008.
CABUTA ORGANISATIONS
"Holding set up by General Higino Carneiro, Minister of Public Works and governor of Kwanza Sul and family. Activity: agriculture, agro-industry, hotels, tourism, banking, insurance.
From the endless list of Businesses he has 12 hotels dispersed in the territory of Angola, has big haciendas (Cabuta Hacienda is one of them), he owns Banks (Bank Keve and Bank Sol), he owns an aviation company with a fleet of 14 light aircrafts called Air Services, which recently was in talks to start flights between Sao Paulo, Brazil and Luanda, etc.
Puma Air
He was a Partner with the Brazilian citizen Gambogi de Souza, the company was based in Brazil a Puma Air.
MPLA Regime No.14
Comrade - Aldemiro Justino de Aguiar Vaz da Conceição
He is the political figure of the MPLA that exercises political coercion over the Media in Angola. His puppet is Luis de Matos the National Director of Information. He has the job of assessing Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos in making him read all political happenings in Angola.
One of his known assess is his capacity to manipulate public opinion. He is presently in the Military House managing the Office of Psychological Action and Information. He his in charge of overseeing all of the Regime Propaganda.
MPLA Regime No.15
Cândido Pereira dos Santos Van-Dúnem, Minister of Defence
MPLA Regime No.16
Miguel Maria Nzau Puna a.k.a. o "Porco" e "Traidor"
Miguel Nzao Puna is also known by is nick name "Porco" (The Pig) and "Traidor" (The Traitor), it was this Pig who was at one time the Secretary General of UNITA, and Miguel Maria Nzau Puna was instrumental in the betrayal of Dr. Jonas Malheiro Savimbi location and personal security, which lead to the massacre and assassination of Dr. Jonas Malheiro Savimbi. A native born of Cabinda, thus the Noble and Glorious Cabinda Patriots wipe their arses with this communist, treacherous pig.
The Pig alias the Traitor Miguel Maria N`Zau Puna among other things served as the ambassador of the MPLA Regime to Canada from September 28, 2000 to 2008.
MPLA Regime No.17
Eduardo Leopoldo Severim de Morais
Minister of Finance
Finance Minister Eduardo Leopoldo Severim de Morais, who succeeded José de Morais in 2008.
MPLA Regime No.18
António Domingos Pitra Costa Neto
Minister of Public Administration, Employment and Social security
António Domingos Pitra Costa Neto is partner in GEMA a company created by Simon Junior, its current president is Jose Leitao, former Head of the Civil House of the Presidency. Account among its shareholders with the Lawyer Carlos Feijó and António Domingos Pitra Costa Neto, vice-president of MPLA and Minister for Employment and Social and Security.
Activity: supermarkets, cinemas, private clinic, shareholder of Coca-Cola Angola, partnerships with South African companies and Chinese.
António Domingos Pitra Costa Neto is also partner with Brazilian businessman Valdomiro Minoru Dondo in the company 2000 Empreendimentos.
MPLA Regime No.19
General Bento Kangamba
The name of General Bento Kangamba apears next and connected to the individuals from whom where ceased Millions of Euros by the French Authorities. General Bento Kangamba is member of the Presidential Family, he is married to Avelina Escórcio dos Santos, who is the daughter of Avelino dos Santos, the eldest brother of José Eduardo dos Santos.
He is the President of the Kabuscorp Football Club in Luanda, among other things he is the Secretary of the Provincial Committee of Luanda of the MPLA Party for the organization and mobilization in the rural and periphery areas of the capital city of Luanda.
ANGOLA: A Family run business
The Private Government of Mr. José Eduardo dos Santos and his Family
- José Eduardo dos Santos Dictator of Angola since 10 September 1979 - present
- José Filomeno de Sousa dos Santos aka Zenu son of the Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos, was nominated a member of the Council of Administration of the Petroleum Fund (Fundo Petrolífero) of the State Oil Company SONANGOL by presidential order Nº 19 /2012. He is also the executive vice president of the Administration of the Bank Kwanza Investment (Banco Kwanza Investimento). He is being groomed by his father the Dictator to be a presidential candidate in the election period after 2017.
- Eduardo Santos nephew of the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos was nominated a member of the Council of Administration of the Petroleum Fund (Fundo Petrolífero) of the State Oil Company SONANGOL by presidential order Nº 19 /2012.
- Afonso Van-Dúnem M'Binda , Minister of External Relations 1985-1988 is the Husband of Luzia Inglês Van-Dúnem who was the leader the MPLA Ruling Party Woman's Organization until 2011 and which is now the President of the National Electoral Commission of Angola
- Cândido Pereira dos Santos Van-Dúnem , Minister of Defence is a cousin of the Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos, and Kopelipa Minister of State and Chief of the Military House, and José Vieira Dias Van-Dunem Minister of health.
Carlos Alberto Lopes
- Carlos Alberto Lopes Finance Minister, brother-in-law of the Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos.
- Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos ‘Nandó' Vice-President of Angola, from 2010 - present; Speaker of the National Assembly 2008-2010; Prime Minister 2002-2008, he is cousin of the Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos
- Fernando José de França Dias Van-Dúnem Prime Minister 1991-1992; 1996-1999, cousin of General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias ‘Kopelipa'
- Isabel dos Santos , daughter of the Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos; investor; owner of key mobile phone operator and bank, the richest woman in Angola
José Vieira Dias Van-Dúnem
- José Vieira Dias Van-Dúnem , cousin of General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias ‘Kopelipa' Minister of State and Chief of the Military Bureau of the President
José dos Santos da Silva Ferreira
- José dos Santos da Silva Ferreira , is the head of the super ministry which oversees Chinese contracts and projects
Luzia Inglês Van-Dúnem
- Luzia Inglês Van-Dúnem ex-Secretary General of OMA, the women's mass movement of the ruling party MPLA, and now President of the Angola National Commission, she is the wife of Afonso Van-Dúnem M'Binda who was the Minister of External Relations 1985-1988
Lionidio Ceita
- Lionidio Ceita
President of the Administration Council of the State Water Company EPAL, Mr. Lionido Ceita is the Brother of Ana Paula dos Santos Wife of the Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos
- Manuel Domingos Vicente chairman and chief executive officer of Sonangol, Angola's state-owned oil company, he is son-in-law of the Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos
- General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias ‘Kopelipa' Minister of State and Chief of the Military Bureau of the President, cousin of Dictator José Eduardo dos Santos.
- Pedro de Castro Van Dúnem, 1942-1997 Minister of External Relations of Angola 1989-1992; Minister of Public Works and Urban Affairs 1992-1997
- Antonio dos Santos França aka “Ndalu”
casamento da filha do general Antonio França “Ndalu”, ocorrido sexta 9 March 2012 in portugal. O correio da manha, num artigo assinado por Sofia Rêgo realça que Ana Paula dos Santos, mulher do presidente de Angola, José Eduardo dos Santos, deslocou-se a Portugal para assistir ao casamento de Irina França, prima da família. Na festa, que se realizou no hotel Penha Longa, em Sintra, e juntou parte da elite angolana, não faltaram luxos.
Convidados ficaram hospedados em luxuoso palácio
A noiva, cantora e filha do general Antônio dos Santos França “Ndalu” e da ex-embaixatriz de Angola nos EUA Maria João Jardim, deu o nó com Sérgio Pugliese (um dos directores da petrolífera BP em Angola), numa cerimónia que contou com cerca de 600 convidados. Irina chegou com uma hora de atraso, às 17h30, numa charrete, vestida de branco pérola e a acenar aos convidados, entre eles, a ministra da Agricultura de Portugal, Assunção Cristas (que nasceu em Angola), Sílvia Rizzo e Romana.
Segundo a media portuguesa o general “Ndalu” e a esposa Maria João Jardim são realmente grandes e poderosos anfitrões em Portugal, tudo para poder receber com carinho e muito luxo a comitiva de convidados vips de várias nacionalidades, inclusive do Brasil, de onde veio grande número de amigos para prestigiar o casamento de Irina Jardim França e Sérgio Pugliese.
A primeira-dama de Angola, Ana Paula dos Santos, veio a Portugal para assistir ao enlaceFrança “Ndalu” acomodou os hospedes do casamento da num fantástico palácio que virou hotel, o Seteais, da poderosa cadeia Tivoli, que possui os mais luxuosos hotéis pelo mundo.
O Seteais merece comentário. afinal, ele é mais que um hotel de cinco estrelas, é um luxuoso e romântico palácio que nos transporta para o requinte da arquitectura do século XVIII. Ele está localizado na encosta de uma serra, vila Património com vista para o castelo dos Mouros e o Palácio da Pena.
Para além da primeira dama angolana, Ana Paula dos Santos e o general João de Matos que foi o padrinho do noivo estiveram também como convidados figuras destacadas como o General Pedro Neto, a deputada Ângela Bragança e o seu esposo, o ministro dos assuntos parlamentares, Norberto Santos “Kwata Kanawa”, o ex- embaixador em Portugal, Rui Mingas, o ex- Ministro do Interior, General Roberto Leal “Ngongo”, o ex- SG do MPLA, João Lourenço e a sua esposa Ana Dias Lourenço. Na vertente cultural, esteve Músico Coreon Du, o rapper PM e sua noiva Telma Escorcio e o produtor Gil Inglês radicado nos Estados Unidos da America.
- General Bento Kangamba
The name of General Bento Kangamba apears next and connected to the individuals from whom where ceased Millions of Euros by the French Authorities. General Bento Kangamba is member of the Presidential Family, he is married to Avelina Escórcio dos Santos, who is the daughter of Avelino dos Santos, the eldest brother of José Eduardo dos Santos.
He is the President of the Kabuscorp Football Club in Luanda, among other things he is the Secretary of the Provincial Committee of Luanda of the MPLA Party for the organization and mobilization in the rural and periphery areas of the capital city of Luanda.
List of the Richest Men of the MPLA "Nomenklatura"
The New rich MPLA Regime bets in Business
I miss Angola and from Angonotícias and other sites to learn of the generals that enabled me to move quite at ease throughout the territory during the war, arrived only in areas where the mercenaries, soldiers ... and, worse, where people were attacked by the military and where assassinated without having no one to turn to. It continues to find unforgivable that the international community, because of the wealth that prey on the MPLA Angola, did not press the organisation of free elections in the country.
'Invest in Angola is now the currency of our rich' says the 'Weekly Angolense. The newspaper, which caused scandal in 2004 with the publication of the richest men listed the "nomenklatura" Angolan, again loading two weeks ago with a "portrait" of private groups that proliferate in MPLA Angola, to lift the 'boom' economic and confesses intention of the government to stimulate domestic private groups and to enter into strategic sectors such as banking, oil or diamonds.
The Director of the 'Weekly Angolense ", Graca Campos, admits that the list is not exhaustive and does not support a thorough investigation. They are the 'business' giving that talk and that illustrate the importance of political lobbying activities and' desire 'for foreign investors to form partnerships with political figures of the regime or their relatives. With the proper salute to the 'Weekly Angolense ", that is, in short, from A to Z, the portrait of private groups more' exciting 'of today in Luanda.
ARMINDO CÉSAR & SONS
In the beginning was the Maboque, company specializes in catering, hotel and "Catering. It is said that counts among its shareholders with family members of Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos and a pleiades of generals. But in the last five years the group grew and multiplied itself. Activity: the earlier, more fishing (catch and marketing), hotel and tourism, real estate, trade (hypermarket Interpark), training and services.
INTERNATIONAL BANK CREDIT (BIC)
Isabel dos Santos, first born daughter of Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos, and Portuguese businessman Americo Amorim (25%) are the main shareholders. Created in June, has already opened 13 branches (8 in Luanda) and raised more than 165 million dollars in deposits.
COMMERCIAL BANK OF ANGOLA (BCA) BANCO COMERCIAL DE ANGOLA (BCA)
It includes among its shareholders three former MPLA Regime prime ministers: Lopo do Nascimento, France Van-Dúnem and Marcolino Moco. Solomon Xirimbimbi (Minister of Fisheries), Augusto Thomas (former Governor of Benguela, former Minister of Finance) and businessman Jaime Freitas (COSAL, Interauto, Tecnomat) are the other members. In 2005 sold 50% of the shares to Absa Bank of South Africa, which in turn was bought by Barclays Bank, the United Kingdom.
CABUTA ORGANISATIONS
"Holding set up by General Higino Carneiro, Minister of Public Works and governor of Kwanza South and family. Activity: agriculture, agro-industry, hotels, tourism, banking, insurance.
FINANGEST
Among the shareholders are listed José Pedro de Morais, Ex-Minister of Finance (December 2002 to October 2008), General Pedro Neto, chief of General Staff of the Air Force, and Kundi Paihama, Minister of Defence. Activities: games and lotteries, publishing record, transport, services, construction, "import-export 'insurance, security.
GEMA
Created by Simon Junior, its current president is Jose Leitao, former head of the Civil House of the Presidency. Account among its shareholders with the lawyer Carlos Feijó and António Domingos Pitra Costa Neto, vice-president of MPLA and Minister for Employment and Social and Security. Activity: supermarkets, cinemas, private clinic, shareholder of Coca-Cola Angola, partnerships with South African companies and Chinese.
GENI
Companies in the sectors of banking, oil, diamonds and construction thrive as' boom in MPLA Angola. The starting point was the creation of UNITEL (mobile telephone) in partnership with aPortugal Telecom. Founders: Isabel dos Santos, Brig Leopoldino Fragosodo Birth (Head of Communications of the Presidency), Anthony Van-Dúnem (former secretary of the Council of Ministers) and Manuel Augusto da Fonseca, the bureau's legal Sonangol. Joined them to the Franco-Brazilian businessman Pierre Falcone. Activity: telecommunications and services.
GENIUS
Created by General Joao de Matos (ex-chief of General Staff General of the FAA) and Mário Pizarro (former Governor of the BNA). The crown jewel of the group is GEVAL-Angola Joint-venture with the Brazilian Vale do Rio Doce, No. 1 worldwide for mining.
Activity: mining (diamonds, manganese, others). Projects: electricity, telecommunications. Participations: Torres of Caramel (Luanda), Fine Shopping Centre
IMPORÁFRICA-IMPORCAR
Faustino Muteka former Minister of Administration of Territory and current secretary of the MPLA Party for the mobilisation is the figure-of-bow of the group, which are associated with capital from Portugal to India. Activity: construction, agriculture, trade, sale of cars, real estate.
In the photo the Angolan actres Lesliana Pereira, the Brazilian Xuxa, and the Valdomiro Minoru Dondo
MACON
Revolutionized the public transport in Luanda (buses and taxis). Hélder Vieira Dias, head of the Military House of the presidency and director of the Office of National Reconstruction, Brig Leopoldino Fragoso and Julio Bessa, former Minister of Finance, in partnership with the Brazilian native with Angolan citizenship Valdomiro Minoru Dondo are members-founders.
Activity: transport, trade (the Shopping Centre Kinaxixi is "stuck" for two years).
Note on the dark activities of Mr. Valdomiro Minoru Dondo
In 2010 the Brazilian Federal Police discovered his name in a dark operation with an Official of the International Airport of Rio de Janeiro which has now been dismissed.
XAVIER MELLO
There is much that Mr George Mello Xavier by MPLA in 1992 ceased to be 'the entrepreneur of the regime "but remains active, influential and irreverent.
Activity: construction, tourism, hospitality, beverage, agro-industry,
PECUS
Created by Portuguese group Tecnocarro, Jose Récio, was sold to brothers Anthony and Luis Faceira.
Activity: production and marketing of meat, which leads sector.
PRODOIL
Associated to the Amec Paragon (Houston, USA). Between Angolan partners quoted Marta dos Santos, elder sister of the Comrade Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos.
Activity: Exploration and Production of Hydrocarbons, oil, natural gas, services, hotels.
SAGRIPEK
Capital divided between a group of partners Angolans (BAI, GCP, Banco Keve, Higino Carneiro, Mello Xavier, Faceira brothers, Isabel dos Santos), which owns 51% and a Brazilian consortium.
Activity: agriculture, livestock, agro-industrial production.
SOMOIL
First private company to enter the Angolan oil exploration. Founded by Desidério Costa, Minister of Petroleum, and Alberto de Sousa. Activity: oil and derivatives (lubricants)
SUNINVEST
Directed by Ismael Diogo, Consul of Angola in Rio de Janeiro and President of the FESA (Eduardo dos Santos Foundation).
Activity: pharmaceutical industry (partnership with the Laboratory Teuto of Brazil), urban transport, waste removal (Luanda), trade.
VALENTIM AMÕES
He came to Luanda from the Central Plateau, which has a large property and controls much of the trade. He joined the Central Committee of MPLA in 2004 and among its members include the General Fernando Miala, the information services outside of the presidency.
Activity: road and air transport, hotel and tourism, 'rent-a-car' trade.
SECURITY
The security companies deserve to be treated separately, as it was by way that many MPLA generals first entered in business and acquired the capital that allowed them highest flights. They are now the hundreds, more or less sophisticated, and provide all kinds of services, from the safety of the premises personal escorts, transport of funds and installation of monitoring systems. The 'Weekly Angolense "highlighted the following:
ANGO SEGU
Company pioneer in industrial safety. Its founding the generals Fernando Miala and José Maria and Santana André Pitra (Petroff) former Minister of Interior and Commander-General of Police.
ALFA 5
Created by General Joao de Matos and other generals and officers. It controls 50% of the safety of large areas of exploitation of diamonds.
TELESERVICE
Monopoly security of oil fields. Its founders were the generals Joao de Matos, France Ndalu, Armando da Cruz Neto, and Antonio Luis Faceira and Hendrick. Investments in Air Gemini, the Lumanhe Company (diamonds) with Escom, linked to the Group Espirito Santo.
COPEBE
Created by Pedro Hendrick Vaal Neto (former minister of social communication), Roberto Leal Monteiro "Ngongo" and Nelson Cosme, ambassador of Angola in the Organization of Central African States.
Valdomiro Minoru Dondo
Became rich with Businesses in Angola
Valdomiro Minoru Dondo, is a Brazilian Business man who became rich with the Socialism of the Angolan market, he did not made the miracle alone. He is the owner of a conglomerate of more than 20 companies, which the solitary client is the MPLA Regime itself, he is the partner of at least 5 local authorities, including regime leaders without portfolio, who made millionaire contracts with him.
But the relation with power goes further. In Brazil Minoru has negotiated at least 3 buildings for Angolan leaders and their families members.
His wife, Agla Dondo, is personal friend of Ana Paula dos Santos, wife of José Eduardo dos Santos, the dictator who has has hold the grip on power for the last four decades which Minoru has businesses.
Considered a myth in Angola Minoru gets annually an officially $4.5 Million USD in profits from public contracts, in Brazil he is known for the extravagant birthday parties of his wife, in one of these parties he send to make a giant cake in the shape of a Louis Vuitton hand bag.
In the businesses of Minoru, there are no limits between public and private.
Has a physical person he is partner of Pedro Sebastião Teta, vice Minister of Science and Technology of Angola, in the company Júpiter; he is partner of brigadier Leopoldino Fragoso, Dino, in the company Supermar; he is partner of the sister of the first lady of Angola, Artemísia Cristina Cristóvão de Lemos, in the company Bob's; he is partner again of Leopoldino Fragoso, in the company Tilápia Psicultura; he is partner of Pitra Neto, Minister of Work and Social Security of Angola, in the company 2000 Empreendimentos; he is partner of the Chief of the Military House of the Presidency of Angola and Director of National Reconstruction of Angola, General Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias, o Kopelipa, in the company Medicamentos e Cosméticos (Medicine & Cosmetics) he is partner of Prenda; and also, has juridical person (by Midras), of the ex-Minister of Finances José Pedro de Morais (December 2002 to October 2008), in the Company Gesa Health.
Minoru is also the 3rd largest shareholder of the BNI Bank, this Bank has in its social composition again the ex Minister of Finances José Pedro de Morais (December 2002 to October 2008), and the Ex-Chief of Armed Forces and General of the Army João de Matos and the President of the National Assembly, Paulo Kassoma, represented by his daughter, Kanda.
Há oito anos, José Pedro de Morais e o ex-governador do Banco Nacional (o Banco Central daquele país) Amadeu de Jesus Castelhano Maurício (demitido em 2009) foram favorecidos com 21 remessas do Trade Link Bank (uma offshore nas Ilhas Cayman), procedentes do Brasil, no valor total de US$ 2,7 milhões.
Pelos extratos bancários obtidos com a quebra do sigilo bancário da Trade Link nos Estados Unidos, durante as investigações sobre o valerioduto, a offshore fez 20 remessas no valor aproximado de US$ 2,6 milhões para contas de Morais entre 2003 e 2005. As remessas variaram de US$ 76 mil a US$ 360 mil. Os documentos oficiais registram que, só em 2003, a Trade fez 12 transferências para o ex-ministro, no valor de US$ 1,4 milhão. Os recursos saíram de uma conta do Trade Link, no Banco Standard, em Nova York, e seguiram até uma conta em nome de Morais no Banco Internacional de Crédito (BIC), em Lisboa, Portugal.
Nos extratos da offshore, consta também uma remessa de US$ 176 mil para Amadeu Castelhano, então a mais alta autoridade monetária de Angola, no dia 12 de março de 2002. O dinheiro saiu da conta da Trade no Standard, passou pelo Banco Africano de Investimentos e, depois do giro, voltou a uma conta em nome de Amadeu, no Citibank, em Nova York.
Minoru é próximo de ambos. De Morais, é sócio em dois negócios. Já os cartórios de registro de imóveis do Rio revelam que, em 30 de janeiro de 2004, o empresário comprou de Antônio Jacinto Castelhano (parente de Amadeu) as sobrelojas 207 e 208 do edifício situado na Avenida Presidente Vargas 590, no Centro.
Nos anos 1990, revela ainda a pesquisa nos cartórios cariocas, Minoru fez dois negócios com Sebastião Basto Lavrador, outro ex-governador do Banco Nacional: em novembro de 1997, o empresário foi procurador de Maria Fernanda Noguera Alcântara Monteiro Lavrador (mulher de Lavrador) na compra do apartamento 301 da Praça Ataualpa 86; dois anos depois, em 9 de julho de 1999, o empresário vendeu para o próprio Lavrador a sala 201 do bloco 10 da Avenida das Américas 500, na Barra, com direito a quatro vagas de garagem.
Em Angola, Minoru já foi acusado de fazer negócios com o Ministério da Saúde, a Casa Militar, o Ministério das Finanças e vários governos provinciais, supostamente transferindo os recursos para empresas suas situadas em paraísos fiscais, como Ilha da Madeira, Ilhas Cayman, Suíça e Miami. Mas as investigações ordenadas pelas autoridades locais nada constataram até hoje.
O escândalo mais recente, divulgado pelos meios de comunicação independentes, atingiu a Midras, unidade do grupo VMD (a holding de Minoru) para a área de medicamentos. Para disfarçar a grande concentração de recursos e de contratos nas mãos de uma única empresa (a Midras), Minoru teria criado mais de uma dezena de filiais para receber os recursos federais, sustentou a denúncia.
Como ocorre com as empresas de Minoru no Brasil, que recebem recursos do BNDES para atender às encomendas do governo angolano, a Midras teria captado empréstimos em bancos de várias partes do mundo, especialmente da Europa, em nome do Ministério da Saúde, para fornecimento de medicamentos para a rede pública hospitalar.
De acordo com a denúncia, o empréstimo é originalmente concedido à Neofarma, do grupo VMD, começando assim um efeito cascata destinado a disfarçar o desvio de parte do empréstimo. Na etapa seguinte, a Neofarma encomenda a compra a outra empresa de Minoru, a Nova África, que ficaria com parte do lucro. Mais empresas completam essa cadeia, até garantir que uma fatia do empréstimo se perca no caminho.
A pioneira das mais de 20 empresas de Minoru em Angola é a Macon, criada para explorar os transportes coletivos no país, até então limitados a táxis (lotada) e caminhonetes. Em reportagem sobre os investimentos do governo central em grandes "elefantes brancos", cuja utilidade é duvidosa, a "The Economist" citou que foram comprados três mil ônibus, mas o país só tinha na ocasião 1.500 motoristas.
A última manobra de Minoru teria sido a aquisição da empresa DGM, que cuida do desenvolvimento de sistemas de pagamento de benefícios para o Instituto Nacional da Segurança Social. A DGM teria sido comprada pela Angola Prev em junho. Suspeita-se que o governo esteja preparando a compra da DGM por US$ 500 milhões, muitas vezes mais do que o seu real valor: a avaliação feita por uma empresa brasileira foi desqualificada por uma instituição financeira internacional.
From Mr. Valdomiro Minoru Dondo website
International businessman Valdomiro Dondo applies his entrepreneurial acumen in both his professional and charitable endeavors. Under the auspices of his executive work with Brazilian firm Midras Group, L.L.C., Dondo has spent two decades fostering a powerful connection between Latin America’s largest country and the East African province of Angola. In addition to bolstering general economic and cultural transfusion between the two regions, Dondo’s firm has been instrumental in encouraging a significant Brazilian audience presence at the Miss Angola contest. His work with Midras Group also supports a strong Angolan market for Brazilian daytime television.
Valdomiro Dondo began investing in Angola when its economy opened in 1992, while the country struggled under a decades-long civil war. Rather than focusing solely on the region’s explicit business interests in the form of diamonds and oil, Dondo set out to establish critical inroads for Angolan infrastructure, including the region’s first urban transportation program. In addition to major installations in the healthcare, technology, and retail sectors of the country, Dondo helped found Angola’s stock exchange. He also instituted language programs to help Angolan businessmen communicate with their largest investors, the Chinese.
Education on several vital issues has proved an essential ingredient in Valdomiro Dondo’s ongoing mission to improve Angola’s healthcare and human services. Entrenched superstitions surrounding such issues as hygiene, medicine, and gender roles have made it difficult for human aid services to establish the type of systems needed to help equalize rights and provide care for Angolan natives. Consequently, the charitable organizations working in the region emphasize instruction and information, in addition to the provision of relevant resources. Dondo’s beneficiaries in this sector include projects supporting dental health, advanced prenatal care, and vaccinations against malaria and other infectious diseases endemic to the area.
Estoril Sol Residence
Luxury Complex in the sea front of the city of Estoril in Portugal
The Minister of Administração Pública, Emprego e Segurança Social, António Domingos Pitra Costa Neto, é dono de cinco apartamentos na Torre Baía, no 3.º, 5.º, 7.º, 9.º e 14.º andares, estando os primeiros quatro em nome da sua filha Katila Pitra da Costa, estudante.
Pitra Neto deverá ser o próximo presidente da Assembleia Nacional, depois das eleições de 31 de Agosto 2012, conforme cogitações emanadas da presidência de José Eduardo dos Santos.
Tanto no 9.º como no 14.º andar, o ministro Pitra Neto tem como vizinhos o casal "Kopelipa". Fátima Geovetty, a esposa do ministro de Estado e chefe da Casa Militar, general Manuel Hélder Vieira Dias - Kopelipa, adquiriu dois apartamentos.
O fiel escudeiro do general Kopelipa nos seus negócios privados, Domingos Manuel Inglês, fica a meio, no 12.º andar.
Na torre ao lado, Cascais, o principal gestor de negócios um tanto obscuros do general, o português Ismênio Coelho Macedo, desfruta da grande vista para o mar, com um apartamento no 4.º andar. Outro comprador extraordinário é o ex-ministro das Finanças, José Pedro de Morais, com quatro apartamentos, também na Torre Baía, no 1.º, 2.º, 4.º e 5.º pisos.
Por sua vez, o brasileiro Valdomiro Minoru Dondo, também portador de nacionalidade angolana, tem um apartamento no 11.º andar da Torre Estoril. Valdomiro Minoru Dondo tem cruzado negócios com o general "Kopelipa", José Pedro de Morais, Pitra Neto, a família presidencial e outros influentes membros do Regime. A sua formidável capacidade para o tráfico de influências conferiu-lhe o interessante título de estrangeiro mais rico de Angola. Por sua vez, outro brasileiro, associado a Minoru Dondo e a dirigentes angolanos, Gerson António de Sousa Nascimento é dono de um duplex, na Torre Estoril, no 6.º e 7.º andares.
O sócio e representante legal de alguns negócios de Welwitchia - Tchizé? dos Santos, Walter Virgínio Rodrigues, demonstrou que os negócios lhe têm corrido de feição e comprou um apartmento no 8.º andar da Torre Estoril.
Como celebração do contrato multimilionário realizado entre o Ministério da Comunicação Social e a empresa Westside Investments para a gestão privada do Canal 2 da Televisão Pública de Angola (TPA), a sócia maioritária, -Tchizé? dos Santos, agraciou-o com um bónus de US $500 mil, enquanto a filha do presidente atribuiu-se, a si própria, com fundos do erário público, um prémio de um milhão e meio de dólares. Outro angolano que faz parte do selecto grupo de proprietários do Estoril Sol Residence é o antigo director da Endiama, Noé Baltazar.
Apesar dos preços, os angolanos, regra geral, compram vários apartamentos, de forma ostensiva. Algumas das aquisições levantaram suspeitas junto das autoridades judiciais portuguesas que, para o efeito, abriram inquéritos. Um dos inquiridos, por suspeita de branqueamento de capitais, foi o presidente do Banco Espírito Santo Angola (BESA), Álvaro Sobrinho.
A 2 de Setembro de 2010, Álvaro Sobrinho adquiriu seis apartamentos no referido complexo, tendo, inicialmente, pago o valor de 9,5 milhões de Euros, segundo investigações do Diário de Notícias.
Os seus irmãos Sílvio e Emanuel Madaleno também são detentores de mais três apartamentos no Estoril Sol.
Corruption MPLA Soviet style Regime is a pervasive phenomenon
Corruption in the MPLA soviet style Regime in Angola is a pervasive phenomenon, hindering economic growth and government-sponsored liberalization programs.
1970s and 1980s
The Soviet press, despite the close relationship between Angola and the USSR, accused the ruling MPLA party of clientelism, corruption, and nepotism, accusing the government of illicitly accumulation US$1 billion. Ogonek said that "corruption has flourished on a scale which is unprecedented even in Africa... the ruling party in Angola... being pro-communist by nature, was ready to sacrifice everything and everybody." [1] 1990s
In April 1999 Gustavo Costa, a journalist for Expresso, wrote an article entitled Corruption Makes Victims, accusing José Leita-o, the chief presidential advisor, of embezzling government revenue. Police arrested Costa and charged him with defamation and injury. The Angolan Supreme Court found him guilty, sentencing him to eight-months imprisonment, suspended for two years, and fined him $2,000.[2] Rafael Marques, a journalist and human rights activist, wrote "The Lipstick of Dictatorship," an article criticizing corruption in the Angolan government and President José Eduardo dos Santos, on July 3.
The National Criminal Investigation Division (DNIC) questioned him on October 13 for several hours before releasing him. Later that day Morais gave an interview with Radio Ecclésia and repeated his criticism of the dos Santos government. Twenty armed members of the Rapid Intervention Police arrested him along with Aguiar dos Santos, the publisher of Agora, and Antonio José Freitas, Agora staff reporter, on charges of defamation on October 16, 1999. Marques said dos Santos bore responsibility for the "destruction of the country... for the promotion of incompetence, embezzlement and corruption as political and social values."[3][4]
In May 1999 the World Bank threatened to cut off aid to Angola if the government did not take serious steps to counter corruption, beginning with an audit of the petroleum and diamonds industries, Angola's primary sources of income.[5] 2000s
In 2002 the International Monetary Fund found the Angolan MPLA Regime could not account for more than US$900 million in 2006 due to "extensive corruption". Bestos de Almeida, spokesman for the Angolan Finance Ministry, denied any financial inconsistency existed. [6] Transparency International's (TI) Corruption Perception Index (CPI) for 2003 found the governments of Angola and Zimbabwe the most corrupt in Southern Africa. On a scale of 0 to 10 with 0 the most corrupt and 10 the most transparent, TI rated Angola 1.8 and Zimbabwe 2.3, some of the highest corruption ratings in the world.
[7]
In 2004, Human Rights Watch found the government could not account for US$4 billion spent between 1997 and 2002.[8] Transparency International ranked Angola 142 out of 163 countries in the Corruption Perception Index just after Venezuela and before the Republic of the Congo with a 2.2 rating.[9] The The Heritage Foundation gave a 47.1% "free" rating in its Index of Economic Freedom in 2008. [10]
Negocios are corrupt business deals in Angola. [11] References
1990's to Present
Since 1961 Angola has been at war. First against the Portuguese colonial administration, then since 1975 against the unelected communist dictatorship. When the 50,000 Cuban mercenaries left Angola by 1991, Angola enjoyed over a year of rare peace. Until the UN supervised elections of September 1992. The widespread MPLA fraud surrounding that shameful excuse of an election was followed by the worst outbreak of massacres committed by the MPLA troops ever seen in Angola. In just 3 days MPLA mobs murdered over 10,000 Bakongo and Ovimbundu Natives. The war exploded again with a ferocity never before seen in the region. More people died in the 2 years following "the election" than in the previous 30 years of war which it was meant to end!
Instead of punishing the Marxist MPLA soviet style regime for the electoral fraud and cold-blooded massacres of their opponents, Western governments inexplicably imposed total economic sanctions on the victims - those who supported UNITA. This blockade has prevented even food aid and medicines from being delivered to the millions of people living in Free Angola. So while Western governments continued to sell weapons of mass destruction (including napalm fuel-air bombs) to the MPLA Marxists aparatus in Luanda, they enforced severe sanctions against humanitarian aid reaching the victims of these attacks.
Elections?
Observers already point to several deficiencies in the election campaigns, such as intimidation of the opposition, tight control over the media, MPLA's use of oil and diamond resources to buy off political supporters, etc.
The state remains heavily centralised in the office of the presidency, who in several instances has overruled government ministries. Dos Santos governs through an extensive patronage network of friends, MPLA allies and relatives, popularly known as the Futungo. Members of this patronage network , have been provided with attractive positions in the political administration of Angola. This ruling elite enjoys virtually unchecked access to state funds and is widely accused of depriving Angolans of benefits from the lucrative oil deals.
The resource-rich patronage system has resulted in extreme inequalities in Angola, with the United Nations estimating that 70% of the population live on less than US$ 1 a day. This has raised concerns over Angola's long-term stability. Economic reforms have been limited and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has raised concerns that economic growth derives solely from high oil prices and not from sectors outside the oil industry.
Public spending is generally high, but low in social sectors (far below its regional neighbours), making public spending highly unsustainable. Each year, large amounts of oil revenues disappear from the state budget through clandestine channels to the ruling elite, and international observers have estimated that more than US$ 1 billion in oil revenues is lost annually.
Public services
Public services in Angola are highly inefficient and sometimes non-existent at sub-provincial levels, which are completely dependent on transfers from the central government. Public servants generally compensate for their low salaries by demanding bribes in return for public services, thus spreading corruption to virtually all sectors and levels of society. This pattern is aggravated by the fact that the 18 provincial governments are ruled by powerful provincial MPLA governors loyal to the president.
These individuals administer their provinces as small kingdoms with little interest in broad social and economic development. The ineffective and corruption-plagued public services, especially at the local level, coupled with the non-responsiveness of the Angolan government, has resulted in a loss of political legitimacy for the government, leading several observers to question the sustainability of the fragile democratic process in Angola.
References
^ Light, Margot (1993). Troubled Friendships: Moscow's Third World Ventures, 77.
^ James, W. Martin (2004). Historical Dictionary of Angola, 41.
-
-
^ Vines, Alex (1999). Angola Unravels: The Rise and Fall of the Lusaka Peace Process. Human Rights Watch, 93.
-
-
-
-
-
^ James, W. Martin (2004). Historical Dictionary of Angola, 112.
DE BEERS A DIAMOND IS FOR EVER
And so it is the MPLA Regime in Angola
Javier Monzón
Daniel García - Pita
Manuel Lagares
Regino Moranchel
